TRAGEDY AND HOPE Chapters I-IV by Dr. Carroll Quigley ISBN 0913022-14-4
I. INTRODUCTION: WESTERN CIVILIZATION IN ITS WORLD SETTING II. WESTERN CIVILIZATION TO 1914 III. THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE TO 1917 IV. THE BUFFER FRINGE
Back cover TRAGEDY AND HOPE is a lively, informed and always readable view of our not quite One World of today, seen in historical perspective. Quigley has already shown his command of the kind of historical perspective seen in the a world like that of Toynbee and Spengler; but unlike them he does not so much concern himself with projections from a distant past to a distant future as he does with what must interest us all much more closely - our own future and that of our immediate descendants. He uses the insights, but in full awareness of the limitations of our modern social sciences, and especially those of economics, sociology, and psychology. Not all readers will agree with what he sees ahead of us in the near future, nor with what he thinks we should do about it. But all will find this provocative and sometimes provoking book a stimulus to profitable reflection. David Brinton
Inside cover TRAGEDY AND HOPE shows the years 1895-1950 as a period of transition from the world dominated by Europe in the nineteenth century to the world of three blocs in the twentieth century. With clarity, perspective and cumulative impact, Professor Quigley examines the nature of that transition through two world wars and a worldwide economic depression. As an interpretative historian, he tries to show each event in the full complexity of its historical context. The result is a unique work, notable in several ways. It gives a picture of the world in terms of the influence of different cultures and outlooks upon each other; it shows, more completely than in any similar work, the influence of science and technology on human life; and it explains, with unprecedented clarity, how the intricate financial and commercial patterns of the West prior to 1914 influenced the development of today's world. Carroll Quigley, professor of history at the Foreign Service School of Georgetown University, formerly taught at Princeton and at Harvard. He has done research in the archives of France, Italy and England, and is the author of the widely praised "Evolution of Civilizations." A member of the editorial board of the monthly Current History, he is a frequent lecturer and consultant for public and semi- public agencies. He is a member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Anthropological Association, and the American Economic Association, as well as various historical associations. He has been lecturer on Russian history at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces since 1951 and on Africa at the Brookings Institution since 1961, and has lectured at many other other places including the U.S. Naval Weapons Laboratory, the Foreign Service Institute of the State Department, and the Naval College at Norfolk, Virginia. In 1958, he was a consultant to the Congressional Select Committee which set up the present national space agency. He was collaborator in history to the Smithsonian Institution after 1957, in connection with the establishment of its new Museum of History and Technology. In the summer of 1964 he went to the Navy Post-Graduate School, Monterey, California, as a consultant to project Seabed, which tried to visualize what American weapons systems would be like in twelve years.
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION: WESTERN CIVILIZATION IN ITS WORLD SETTING
Page 3 Each civilization is born in some inexplicable fashion and, after a slow start, enters a period of vigorous expansion, increasing its size and power, both internally and at the expense of its neighbors, until gradually a crisis of organization appears... It becomes stabilized and eventually stagnant. After a Golden Age of peace and prosperity, internal crises again arise. At this point, there appears for the first time, a moral and physical weakness.
Page 5 The passage from the Age of Expansion to the Age of Conflict is the most complex, most interesting and most critical of all periods of the life cycle of a civilization. It is marked by four chief characteristics: it is a period: a) of declining rate of expansion; b) of growing tensions and class conflicts; c) of increasingly frequent and violent imperialist wars; d) of growing irrationality.
Page 8 When we consider the untold numbers of other societies, simpler than civilizations, which Western Civilization has destroyed or is now destroying, the full frightening power of Western Civilization becomes obvious. This shift from an Age of Conflict to an Age of Expansion is marked by a resumption of the investment of capital and the accumulation of capital on a large scale. In the new Western civilization, a small number of men, equipped and trained to fight, received dues and services from the overwhelming majority of men who were expected to till the soil. From this inequitable but effective defensive system emerged an inequitable distribution of political power and, in turn, an inequitable distribution of the social economic income. This, in time, resulted in an accumulation of capital, which, by giving rise to demand for luxury goods of remote origin, began to shift the whole economic emphasis of the society from its earlier organization in self-sufficient agrarian units to commercial interchange, economic specialization, and, a bourgeois class.
Page 9 At the end of the first period of expansion of Western Civilization covering the years 970-1270, the organization of society was becoming a petrified collection of vested interests and entered the Age of Conflict from 1270-1420. In the new Age of Expansion, frequently called the period of commercial capitalism from 1440 to 1680, the real impetus to economic expansion came from efforts to obtain profits by the interchange of goods, especially semi-luxury or luxury goods, over long distances. In time, profits were sought by imposing restrictions on the production or interchange of goods rather than by encouraging these activities.
Page 10 The social organization of this third Age of Expansion from 1770- 1929 following upon the second Age of Conflict of 1690-1815 might be called "industrial capitalism." In the last of the nineteenth century, it began to become a structure of vested interests to which we might give the name "monopoly capitalism." We shall undoubtedly get a Universal Empire in which the United States will rule most of the Western Civilization. This will be followed, as in other civilizations, by a period of decay and ultimately, as the civilizations grows weaker, by invasions and the total destruction of Western culture.
EUROPE'S SHIFT TO THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Page 24 The belief in the innate goodness of man had its roots in the eighteenth century when it appeared to many that man was born good and free but was everywhere distorted, corrupted, and enslaved by bad institutions and conventions. As Rousseau said, "Man is born free yet everywhere he is in chains." Obviously, if man is is innately good and needs but to be freed from social restrictions, he is capable of tremendous achievements in this world of time, and does not need to postpone his hopes of personal salvation into eternity.
Page 25 To the nineteenth century mind, evil, or sin, was a negative conception. It merely indicated a lack or, at most, a distortion of good. Any idea of sin or evil as a malignant force opposed to good, and capable of existing by its own nature, was completely lacking in the typical nineteenth century mind. The only evil was frustration and the only sin, repression. Just as the negative idea of the nature of evil flowed from the belief that human nature was good, so the idea of liberalism flowed from the belief that society was bad. For, if society was bad,the state,which was the organized coercive power of society, was doubly bad, and if man was good, he should be freed, above all, from the coercive power of the state. "No government in business" was commonly called "laissez faire" and would have left society with little power beyond that required to prevent the strong from physically oppressing the weak. This strange, and unexamined, belief held that there really existed, in the long run, a "community of interests" between the members of a society. It maintained that, in the long run, what was good for one was bad for all. It believed that there did exist a possible social pattern in which each member would be secure, free and prosperous.
Page 26 Capitalism was an economic system in which the motivating force was the desire for private profit as determined in a price system with the seeking of aggrandization of profits for each individual. Nationalism served to bind persons of the same nationality together into a tight, emotionally satisfying, unit. On the other side, it served to divide persons of different nationalities into antagonistic groups, often to the injury of their real mutual political, economic or cultural advantages. The event which destroyed the pretty dream world of 1919-1929 were the stock market crash, the world depression, the world financial crisis.
Page 28 The twentieth century came to believe that human nature is, if not innately bad, at least capable of being very evil. Left to himself, man falls very easily to the level of the jungle or even lower and this result can be prevent only by the coercive power of society. Along with this change from good men and bad society to bad men and good society has appeared a reaction from optimism to pessimism. The horrors of Hitler's concentration camps and Stalin's slave-labor units are chiefly responsible for this change.
CHAPTER II: WESTERN CIVILIZATION TO 1914
WESTERN CIVILIZATION TO 1914 Page 39 The financial capitalist sought profits from the manipulation of claims on money; and the monopoly capitalist sought profits from manipulation of the market to make the market price and the amount sold such that his profits would be maximized.
Page 41 Karl Marx,about 1850, formed his ideas of an inevitable class struggle in which the groups of owners would become fewer and fewer and richer and richer while the mass of workers became poorer and poorer but more and more numerous. Mass production required less labor. But mass production required mass consumption.
EUROPEAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Page 42 Investments in railroads, steel mills and so on could not be financed from the profits and private fortunes of individual proprietors. New instruments for financing industry came into existence in the form of limited-liability corporations and investment banks. These were soon in a position to control the chief parts of the industrial system since they provided the capital to it. This gave rise to financial capitalism.
Page 43 Great industrial units, working together either directly or through cartels and trade associations, were in a position to exploit the majority of the people. The result was a great economic crisis which soon developed into a struggle for control of the state - the minority hoping to use the state to defend their privileged position, the majority hoping to use the state to curtail the power and privileges of the minority. Capitalism, because it seems profits as its primary goal, is never primarily seeking to achieve prosperity, high production, high consumption, political power, patriotic improvement, or moral uplift.
Page 44 Goods moved from low-price areas to high-price areas and money moved from high-price areas to low-price areas because goods were more valuable where prices were high and money was more valuable where prices were low. Thus, clearly, money and goods are not the same thing but are, on the contrary, exactly opposite things. Most confusion in economic thinking arises from failure to recognize this fact. Goods are wealth which you have, while money is a claim on wealth which you do not have. Thus goods are an asset; money is a debt. If goods are wealth; money is non-wealth, or negative wealth, or even anti-wealth.
Page 45 In time, some merchants turned their attention from exchange of goods to the monetary side of the exchange. They became concerned with the lending of money to merchants to finance their ships and their activities, advancing money for both, at high interest rates, secured by claims on ships or goods as collateral for repayment and made it possible for people to concentrate on one portion of the process and, by maximizing that portion, to jeopardize the rest.
Page 46 Three parts of the system, production, transfer, and consumption of goods were concrete and clearly visible so that almost anyone could grasp them simply examining them while the operations of banking and finance were concealed, scattered, and abstract so that they appeared to many to be difficult. To add to this, bankers themselves did everything they could to make their activities more secret and more esoteric. Their activities were reflected in mysterious marks in ledgers which were never opened to the curious outsider. Changes of prices, whether inflationary or deflationary, have been major forces in history for the last six centuries at least.
Page 47 Hundreds of years ago, bankers began to specialize, with richer and more influential ones associated increasingly with foreign trade and foreign-exchange transactions. Since these were richer and more cosmopolitan and increasingly concerned with questions of political significance, such as stability and debasement of currencies, war and peace, dynastic marriages, and worldwide trading monopolies, they became financiers and financial advisers of governments. Moreover, they were always obsessed with the stability of monetary exchanges and used their power and influence to do two things: 1) to get all money and debts expressed in terms of strictly limited commodity - ultimately gold; and 2) to get all monetary matters out of the control of governments and political authority, on the ground that they would be handled better by private banking interests in terms of such a stable value of gold.
INDUSTRIAL CAPITALISM, 1770-1850 Page 48 Britain's victories had many causes such as its ability to control the sea and its ability to present itself to the world as the defender of the freedoms and rights of small nations and of diverse social and religious groups. Also, financially, England had discovered the secret of credit and economically, it had embarked on the Industrial Revolution. Credit had been known to the Italians and Netherlanders long before it became one of the instruments of English world supremacy. Nevertheless, the founding of the Bank of England by William Paterson and his friends in 1694 is one of the great dates in world history. For generations, men had sought to avoid the one drawback of gold, its heaviness, by using pieces of paper to represent specific pieces of gold. Today, we call such pieces of paper gold certificates which entitles its bearer to exchange it for its piece ofgold on demand, but in view of the convenience of paper, only a small fraction of certificate holders ever did make such demands. It early became clear that gold need be held on hand only to the amount needed to cover the fraction of certificates likely to be presented for payment; accordingly, the rest of the gold could be used for business purposes, or, what amounts to the same thing, a volume of certificates could be issued greater than the volume of gold reserved for payment of demands against them. such an excess volume of paper claims against reserves we now call bank notes. In effect, this creation of paper claims greater than the reserves available means that bankers were creating money out of nothing. The same thing could be done in another way, not by note- issuing banks but by deposit banks. Deposit bankers discovered that orders and checks drawn against deposits by depositors and given to third persons were often not cashed by the latter but were deposited to their own accounts. Thus there were no actual movements of funds, and payments were made simply by bookkeeping transactions on the accounts. Accordingly, it was necessary for the banker to keep on hand in actual money (gold, certificates and notes) no more than the fraction of deposits likely to be drawn upon and cashed; the rest could be used for loans and if these loans were made by creating a deposit for the borrower, who in turn would draw checks upon it rather than withdraw it in money, such "created deposits" or loans could also be covered adequately by retaining reserves to only a fraction of their value. Such created deposits also were a creation of money out of nothing, although bankers usually refused to express their actions, either note issuing or deposit lending, in these terms. William Paterson, on obtaining the charter of the Bank of England, said "the Bank hath benefit of interest on all moneys it creates out of nothing." This is generally admitted today. This organizational structure for creating means of payment out of nothing, which we call credit, was not invented by England but was developed by her to become one of her chief weapons in the victory over Napoleon in 1815. The emperor, could not see money in any but concrete terms, and was convinced that his efforts to fight wars on the basis of "sound money" by avoiding the creation of credit, would ultimately win him a victory by bankrupting England. He was wrong although the lesson has had to be relearned by modern financiers in the twentieth century.
FINANCIAL CAPITALISM 1850-1931 Page 50 The third stage of capitalism is of such overwhelming significance in the history of the twentieth century, and its ramifications and influences have been so subterranean and even occult, that we may be excused if we devote considerate attention to this organization and methods. Essentially, what it did was to take the old disorganized and localized methods of handling money and credit and organize them into an integrated system, on an international basis, which worked with incredible and well-oiled facility for many decades. The center of that system was in London, with major offshoots in New York and Paris and it has left, as its greatest achievement, an integrated banking system and a heavily capitalized - if now largely obsolescent - framework of heavy industry, reflected in railroads, steel mills, coal mines and electrical utilities. This system had its center in London for four chief reasons. First was the great volume of savings in England. Second was England's oligarchic social structure which provided a very inequitable distribution of incomes with large surpluses coming to the control of a small, energetic upper class. Third was that this upper class was aristocratic but not noble, quite willing to recruit both money and ability from lower levels and even from outside the country, welcoming American heiresses and central-European Jews to its ranks almost as willingly as it welcomed monied, able and conformist recruits from the lower classes of Englishmen. Fourth (and by no means last) in significance was the skill in financial manipulation, especially on the international scene, which the small group of merchant bankers of London had acquired. In time, they brought into their financial network the provincial banking centers as well as insurance companies to form all of these into a single financial system on an international scale which manipulated the quantity and flow of money so that they were able to influence, if not control, governments on one side and industries on the other. The men who did this, looking backward toward the period of dynastic monarchy in which they had their own roots, aspired to establish dynasties of international bankers and were at least as successful at this as were many of the dynastic political rulers. The greatest of these dynasties, of course, were the descendants of Meyer Amschel Rothschild (1743-1812) whose male descendants for at least two generations, generally married first cousins or even nieces. Rothschild's five sons, established at branches in Vienna, London, Naples and Paris as well as Frankfort, cooperated together in ways which other international banking dynasties copied but rarely excelled. In concentrating, as we must, on the financial or economic activities of international bankers, we must not totally ignore their other attributes. They were cosmopolitan rather than nationalistic; they were a constant, if weakening, influence for peace, a pattern established in 1830 and 1840 when the Rothschilds threw their whole tremendous influence successfully against European wars. They were usually highly civilized, cultured gentlemen, patrons of education and of the arts, so that today, colleges, professorships, opera companies, symphonies, libraries, and museum collections still reflect their munificence. For these purposes they set a pattern of endowed foundations which still surround us today. The names of some of these banking families are familiar to all of us and should be more so. They include Baring, Lazard, Erlanger, Warburg, Schroder, Seligman, Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould and above all Rothschild and Morgan. Even after these banking families became fully involved in domestic industry by the emergence of financial capitalism, they remained different from ordinary bankers in distinctive ways: 1) they were cosmopolitan and international; 2) they were close to governments and were particularly concerned with questions of government debts, including foreign government debts, even in areas which seemed, at first glance, poor risks, like Egypt, Persia, Ottoman Turkey, Imperial China and Latin America; 3) their interests were almost exclusively in bonds and very rarely in goods since they admired "liquidity"; 4) they were fanatical devotees of deflation (which they called "sound" money from its close association with high interest rates and a high value of money) and of the gold standard; 5) they were almost equally devoted to secrecy and the secret use of financial influence in political life. These bankers came to be called "international bankers" and were known as "merchant bankers" in England, "private bankers" in France and "investment bankers" in the United States. Everywhere, they were sharply distinguishable from other, more obvious, kinds of banks, such as savings banks or commercial banks. One of their less obvious characteristics was that they remained as private unincorporated firms offering no shares, no reports, and usually no advertising to the public until modern inheritance taxes made it essential to surround such family wealth with the immortality of corporate status for tax-avoidance purposes. This persistence as private firms continued because it ensured the maximum of anonymity and secrecy to persons of tremendous public power who dreaded public knowledge of their activities as an evil almost as great as inflation.
Page 53 Firms like Morgan, like others of the international banking fraternity, constantly operated through corporations and governments, yet remained itself an obscure private partnership. The influence of financial capitalism and the international bankers who created it was exercised both on business and on governments, but could have neither if it had not been able to persuade both these to accept two "axioms" of its own ideology. Both of these were based on the assumption that politicians were too weak and too subject to temporary public pressures to be trusted with control of the money system; accordingly, the soundness of money must be protected in two ways: by basing the value of money on gold and by allowing bankers to control the money supply. To do this it was necessary to conceal, even mislead, both governments and people about the nature of money and its methods of operation.
Page 54 Since it is quite impossible to understand the history of the twentieth century without some understanding of the role played by money in domestic affairs and in foreign affairs, as well as the role played by bankers in economic life and in political life, we must take a least a glance at each of these four subjects:
DOMESTIC FINANCIAL PRACTICES In each country, the supply of money took the form of an inverted pyramid or cone balanced on its point. In the point was the supply of gold and its equivalent certificates; on the intermediate levels was a much larger supply of notes; and at the top, with an open and expandable upper surface, was an even greater supply of deposits. Each level used the levels below it as its reserves and these lower levels had smaller quantities of money, they were "sounder." Notes were issued by "banks of emission" or "banks of issue" and were secured by reserves of gold or certificates held in some central reserve. The fraction held in reserve depended upon banking regulations or statute law. Such banks, even central banks, were private institutions, owned by shareholders who profited by their operations. Deposits on the upper level of the pyramid were called by this name, with typical bankers' ambiguity, in spite of the fact that they consisted of two utterly different kinds of relationships: 1) "lodged deposits" which were real claims left by a depositor in a bank on which a depositor might receive interest; and 2) "created deposits" which were claims created by the bank out of nothing as loans from the bank to "depositors" who had to pay interest on them. Both form part of the money supply. Lodged deposits as a form of savings are deflationary while created deposits, being an addition to the money supply, are inflationary.
Page 55 The volume of deposits banks can create, like the amount of notes they can issue, depends upon the volume of reserves available to pay whatever fraction of checks are cashed rather than deposited. In the United States, deposits were traditionally limited to ten times reserves notes and gold. In Britain it was usually nearer twenty times such reserves. In most countries, the central bank was surrounded closely by the almost invisible private investment banking firms. These, like the planet Mercury, could hardly be seen in the dazzle emitted by the central bank, which they, in fact, often dominated. Yet a lost observer could hardly fail to notice the close private associations between these private, international bankers and the central bank itself. In France, in 1936, the Board of the Bank of France was still dominated by the names of the families who had originally set it up in 1800. In England, a somewhat similar situation existed. In a secondary ring are the "joint stock banks." Outside this secondary ring are the savings banks, insurance firms, and trust companies. In France and England the private bankers exercised their powers through the central bank and had much more influence on the government and foreign policy and less on industry. In the United States, much industry was financed by investment bankers directly and the power of these both on industry and government was very great.
Page 57 The various parts of the pyramid of money were but loosely related to each other. Much of this looseness arose from the fact that the controls were compulsive in a deflationary direction and were only permissive in an inflationary direction. This last point can be seen in the fact that the supply of gold could be decreased but could hardly be increased. If an ounce of gold was added to the point of the pyramid, it could permit an increase in deposits equivalent to $2067 on the uppermost level. If such an ounce of gold were withdrawn from a fully expanded pyramid of money, this would compel a reduction of deposits by at least this amount, probably by a refusal to renew loans. Throughout modern history, the influence of the gold standard has been deflationary, because the natural output of gold each year, except in extraordinary times, has not kept pace with the increase in the output of goods. Only new supplies of gold or the development of new kinds of money have saved our civilization over the last couple of centuries. The three great periods of war ended with an extreme deflationary crisis (1819, 1873, 1921) as the influential Money Power persuaded governments to re-establish a deflationary monetary unit with a high gold content. The obsession of the Money Power with deflation was partly a result of their concern with money rather than with goods but was also founded on other factors, one of which was paradoxical. The paradox arose from the fact that the basic economic conditions of the nineteenth century were deflationary, with a monetary system based on gold and an industrial system pouring out increasing supplies of goods but in spite of falling prices, the interest rate tended to fall rather than rise. Moreover, merchant banking continued to emphasize bonds rather than equity securities (stocks), to favor government issues rather than private offerings. Another paradox of banking practice arose from the fact that bankers, who loved deflation, often acted in an inflationary fashion from their eagerness to lend money at interest. Since they make money out of loans, they are eager to increase the amounts of bank credit on loan. But this is inflationary. The conflict between the deflationary ideas and inflationary practices of bankers had profound repercussions on business. The bankers made loans to business so that the volume of money increased faster than the increase of goods. The result was inflation. When this became clearly noticeable, the bankers would flee to notes or specie by curtailing credit and raising discount rates. This was beneficial to the bankers in the short run (since it allowed them to foreclose on collateral for loans) but it could be disastrous to them in the long run (by forcing the value of the collateral below the amount of the loans it secured). But such bankers' deflation was destructive to business and industry in the short run as well as the long run.
Page 59 The resulting fluctuation in the supply of money, chiefly deposits, was a prominent aspect of the "business cycle." The quantity of money could be changed by changing reserve requirements or discount (interest) rates. Central banks can usually vary the amount of money in circulation by "open market operations" or by influencing the discount rates of lesser banks. In open market operations, a central bank buys or sells government bonds in the open market. If it buys, it releases money into the economic system; it if sells it reduces the amount of money in the community. If the Federal Reserve Bank buys, it pays for these by checks which are soon deposited in a bank. It thus increases this bank's reserves with the Federal Reserve Bank. Since banks are permitted to issue loans for several times the value of their reserves with the FED, such a transaction permits them to issue loans for a much larger sum. Central banks can also change the quantity of money by raising the discount rate which forces the lesser banks to raise their discount rates; such a raise in interest rates tends to reduce the demand for credit and thus the amount of deposits (money). Lowering the discount rate permits an opposite result. It is noted that the control of the central bank over the credit policies of local banks are permissive in one direction and compulsive in the other. They can compel these local banks to curtail credit and can only permit them to increase credit. This means that they have control powers against inflation and not deflation - a reflection of the old banking idea that inflation was bad and deflation was good.
Page 60 The powers of governments over the quantity of money are: a) control over a central bank; b) control over public taxation; c) control over public spending; Since most central banks have been (technically) private institutions, this control is frequently based on custom rather than on law. Taxation tends to reduce the amount of money in a community and is usually a deflationary force. Government spending is usually an inflationary force. On the whole, in the period up to 1931, bankers, especially the Money Power controlled by the international investment bankers, were able to dominate both business and government. They could dominate business because investment bankers had the ability to supply or refuse to supply such capital. Thus Rothschild interests came to dominate many of the railroads of Europe, while Morgan dominated at least 26,000 miles of American railroads. Such bankers took seats on the boards of directors of industrial firms, as they had already done on commercial banks, savings banks, insurance firms, and finance companies. From these lesser institutions, they funneled capital to enterprises which yielded control and away from those who resisted. These firms were controlled through interlocking directorships, holding companies, and lesser banks.
Page 61 As early as 1909,Walter Rathenau said, "Three hundred men, all of whom know one another, direct the economic destiny of Europe and choose their successors from among themselves." The power of investment bankers over governments rests on the need of governments to issue short-term treasury bills as well as long-term government bonds. Just as businessmen go to commercial banks for current capital advances, so a government has to go to merchant bankers to tide over the shallow places caused by irregular tax receipts. As experts in government bonds, the international bankers provided advice to government officials and, on many occasions, placed their own members in official posts. This was so widely accepted even today, that in 1961 a Republican investment banker became Secretary of the Treasury in a Democratic administration in Washington without significant comment from any direction. Naturally, the influence of bankers over governments during the age of financial capitalism (roughly 1850-1931) was not something about which anyone talked about freely, but it has been admitted freely enough by those on the inside, especially in England. In 1842, Gladstone, chancellor of the Exchequer, declared "The hinge of the whole situation was this: the government itself was not to be the substantive power in matters of Finance, but was to leave the Money Power supreme and unquestioned." On Sept. 26, 1921, the Financial Times wrote, "Half a dozen men at the top of the Big Five Banks could upset the whole fabric of government finance by refraining from renewing Treasury Bills." In 1924, Sir Drummond Fraser, vice-president of the Institute of Bankers, stated, "The Governor of the Bank of England must be the autocrat who dictates the terms upon which alone the Government can obtain borrowed money."
Page 62 In addition to their power over government based on government financing and personal influence, bankers could steer governments in ways they wished them to go by other pressures. Since most government officials felt ignorant of finance, they sought advice from bankers whom they considered experts in the field. The history of the last century shows that the advice given to governments by bankers, like the advice they gave to industrialists, was consistently good for bankers but was often disastrous for governments, businessmen and the people generally. Such advice could be enforced if necessary by manipulation of exchanges, gold flows, discount rates, and even levels of business activity. Thus Morgan dominated Cleveland's second administration by gold withdrawals, and in 1936-13 French foreign exchange manipulators paralyzed the Popular Front governments. The powers of these international bankers reached their peak in 1919-1931 when Montagu Norman and J.P. Morgan dominated not only the financial world but international relations and other matters as well. On Nov. 11, 1927, the Wall Street Journal called Mr. Norman "the currency dictator of Europe." This was admitted by Mr. Norman who said, "I hold the hegemony of the world." The conflict of interests between bankers and industrialists has resulted in the subordination of the bankers (after 1931) to the latter by the adoption of "unorthodox financial policies" - that is, financial policies not in accordance with the short-run interests of the bankers.
THE UNITED STATES TO 1917 Page 71 The civil service reform began in the federal government with the Pendleton Bill of 1883. As a result, the government was controlled with varying degrees of completeness by the forces of investment banking and heavy industry from 1884 to 1933. Popularly known as "Society," or the "400," they lived a life of dazzling splendor.
Page 72 The structure of financial control created by the tycoons of "Big Banking" and "Big Business" in the period 1880-1933 was of extraordinary complexity, one business fief being built upon another, both being allied with semi-independent associates, the whole rearing upward into two pinnacles of economic and financial power, of which one, centered in New York, was headed by J.P. Morgan and Company, and the other, in Ohio, was headed by the Rockefeller family. When these two cooperated, as they generally did, they could influence the economic life of the country to a large degree and could almost control its political life, at least on the federal level. The influence of these business leaders was so great that the Morgan and Rockefeller groups acting together, or even Morgan acting alone, could have wrecked the economic system of the country merely by throwing securities on the stock market for sale, and having precipitated a stock market panic, could then have bought back the securities they had sold but at a lower price. Naturally, they were not so foolish as to do this, although Morgan came very close to it in precipitating the "panic of 1907," but they did not hesitate to wreck individual corporations, at the expense of holders of common stock, by driving them to bankruptcy. In this way, Morgan wrecked the New York, New Haven and Hartford railroad before 1914 and William Rockefeller wrecked the Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul and Pacific Railroad before 1925.
Page 73 The discovery by financial capitalists that they made money out of issuing and selling securities rather than out of production, distribution and consumption of goods accordingly led them to the point where they discovered that the exploiting of an operating company by excessive issuance of securities or the issuance of bonds rather than equity securities not only was profitable to them but made it possible for them to increase their profits by bankruptcy of the firm, providing fees and commission of reorganization as well as the opportunity to issue new securities. When the business interests pushed through the first installment of the civil service reform in 1881, they expected to control both political parties equally. Some intended to contribute to both and to allow an alternation of the two parties in public office in order to conceal their own influence, inhibit any exhibition of independence by politicians, and allow the electorate to believe that they were exercising their own free choice. The inability of the investment bankers to control the Democratic Party Convention of 1896 was a result of the agrarian discontent of the period 1868-1896. This discontent was based very largely on the monetary tactics of the banking oligarchy. The bankers were wedded to the gold standard and at the end of the Civil War, persuaded the Grant administration to curb the postwar inflation and go back on the gold standard (crash of 1873 and resumption of specie payment in 1875).
Page 74 This gave the bankers a control of the supply of money which they did not hesitate to use for their own purposes. The bankers' affection for low prices was not shared by farmers, since each time prices of farm products went down, the burden of farmers' debts became greater. As farmers could not reduce their costs or modify their production plans, the result was a systematic exploitation of the agrarian sectors of the community by the financial and industrial sectors. This exploitation took the form of high industrial prices and discriminatory railroad rates, high interest charges, low farm prices and very low level of farm services. Unable to resist by economic weapons, the farmers turned to political relief. They tried to work on the state political level through local legislation (so-called Granger Laws) and set up third- party movements (like the Greenback Party of 1878 or the Populist Party in 1892). By 1896, the capture of the Democratic Party by the forces of discontent under William Jennings Bryant who was determined to obtain higher prices by increasing the supply of money on a bimetallic rather than a gold basis, presented the electorate with an election on a social and economic issue for the first time in a generation. Though the forces of high finance were in a state of near panic, by a mighty effort involving very large-scale spending they were successful in electing McKinley. Though the plutocracy were unable to control the Democratic Party as they controlled the Republican Party, they did not cease their efforts to control both and in 1904 and 1924, Morgan was able to sit back with a feeling of satisfaction to watch presidential elections in which the candidates of both parties were in his sphere of influence.
Page 75 The agrarian discontent, the growth of monopolies, the oppression of labor, and the excesses of Wall Street financiers made the country very restless between 1890-1900. All this could have been alleviated merely by increasing the supply of money sufficiently to raise prices somewhat, but the financiers were determined to defend the gold standard no matter what happened. In looking for some issue to distract public discontent from domestic issues, what better solution than a crisis in foreign affairs? Cleveland had stumbled upon this alternative in 1895 when he stirred up controversy with England over Venezuela. The great opportunity came with the Cuban revolt against Spain in 1895. While the "yellow press" roused public opinion, Henry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Roosevelt plotted how they could best get the United States into the fracas. They got the excuse they needed when the American battleship Maine was sunk by a mysterious explosion in Havana Harbor in 1898. In two months, the United States declared war on Spain to fight for Cuban independence. The resulting victory revealed the United States as a world naval power, established it as an imperialist power with possession of Puerto Rico, Guam, and the Philippines. America's entrance upon the stage as a world power continued with the annexation of Hawaii in 1898, the intervention in the Boxer uprising in 1900, the seizure of the Panama canal in 1903, the diplomatic intervention in the Russo-Japanese war in 1905, the military occupation of Nicaragua in 1912, the military intervention in Mexico in 1916.
Page 76 As an example of the more idealistic impulse we might mention the creation of various Carnegie foundations to work for universal peace. As an example of the more practical point of view, we might mention the founding of "The New Republic," a liberal weekly paper, by an agent of Morgan financed with Whitney money (1914). The combined forces of the liberal East and the agrarian West were able to capture the Presidency under Woodrow Wilson in 1912. Wilson roused a good deal of popular enthusiasm with his talk of "New Freedom" and the rights of the underdog, but his program amounted to little more than an amateur attempt to establish on a federal basis those reforms which agrarian and labor discontent had been seeking on a state basis for many years. Wilson was by no means a radical and there was a good deal of unconscious hypocrisy in many of his resounding public speeches. His political and administrative reforms were a good deal more effective than his economic or social reforms. The establishment of an income tax and the Federal Reserve System justified the support which Progressives had given to Wilson. Wilson did much to extend equality of opportunity to wider groups of American people.
CHAPTER III: THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE TO 1917
Page 88 The abolition of serfdom made it necessary for the landed nobility to cease to regard the peasants as private property. Peter the Great (1689-1725) and Catherine the Great (1762-1796) were supporters of westernization and reform. Paul I (1796-1801) was reactionary. Alexander I (1801-1825) and Alexander II (1855-1881) were reformers while Nicholas I (1825-1855) and Nicholas II (1855-1881) were reactionaries. By 1864, serfdom had been abolished, and a fairly modern system of law, of justice, and of education had been established; local government had been somewhat modernized; a fairly good financial and fiscal system had been established; and an army based on universal military service (but lacking in equipment) had been created. On the other hand, the autocracy continued in the hands of weak men and the freed serfs had no adequate lands.
Page 93 The first Russian railroad opened in 1838 but growth was slow until 1857. At that time, there were only 663 miles of railroads, but this figure went up over tenfold by 1871, doubled again by 1881 with 14,000 miles, reached 37,000 by 1901 and 46,000 by 1915.
Page 94 In 1900, Russia had 48% of the total world production of petroleum products. The State Bank was made a bank of issue in 1897 and was required by law to redeem its notes in gold, thus placing Russia on the international gold standard.
Page 97 In 1902, a cartel created by a dozen iron and steel firms handled almost three-fourths of all Russian sales. It was controlled by four foreign banking groups.
Page 100 Until 1910, Stolypin continued his efforts to combine oppression with reform, especially agrarian reform. Rural credit banks were established; various measures were taken to place larger amounts of land in the hands of the peasants; restrictions of immigration of peasants, especially to Siberia, were removed; participation in local government was opened to lower social classes previously excluded; education, especially technical education, was made more accessible; and certain provisions for social insurance were enacted into law. He was assassinated in the presence of the Tsar in 1911. The fourth duma (1912-1916) was elected by universal suffrage.
CHAPTER IV: THE BUFFER FRINGE
THE NEAR EAST TO 1914 Page 111 The Ottoman Empire was divided into 21 governments and subdivided into seventy vilayets, each under a pasha. The supreme ruler in Constantinople was not only sultan (head of the empire) but was also caliph (defender of the Muslim creed).
Page 121 The Great Powers showed mild approval of the Baghdad Railway until about 1900. Then, for more than ten years, Russia, Britain and France showed violent disapproval and did all they could the obstruct the project. They described the Baghdad Railway as the emerging wedge of German imperialist aggression seeking to weaken and destroy the Ottoman Empire and the stakes of the other powers in the area.
Page 122 The Germans were not only favorably inclined toward Turkey; their conduct seems to have been completely fair in regard the administration of the railway itself. At a time when the American and other railways were practicing wholesale discrimination between customers, the Germans had the same rates and same treatment for all, including Germans and non-Germans. They worked to make the railroad efficient and profitable although their income from it was guaranteed by the Turkish government. In consequence, the Turkish payments to the railroad steadily declined, and the government was able to share in its profits to the extent of almost three million francs in 1914. Moreover, the Germans did not seek to monopolize control of the railroad, offering to share equally with France and England and eventually with the other Powers. France accepted this offer in 1899, but Britain continued to refuse and placed every obstacle in the path of the project. When the Ottoman government sought to raise their customs duties from 11% to 14% in order to continue construction, Britain prevented this. In order to carry on the project, the Germans sold their railroad interests in the Balkans and gave the Ottoman building subsidy of $275,000 a kilometer. In striking contrast, the Russians demanded arrears of 57 million francs under the Treaty of 1878. The French, in spite of investments in Turkey, refused to allow Baghdad Railway securities to be handled on the Paris Stock Exchange.
Page 123 In 1903, Britain made an agreement for a joint German, French, and British control of the railroad. Within three weeks this agreement was repudiated because of newspaper protests against it. When the Turkish government tried to borrow, it was summarily rebuffed in Paris and London, but obtained the sum unhesitatingly in Berlin. The growth of German prestige and the decline in favor of the Western Powers at the sultan's court is not surprising and goes far to explain the Turkish intervention on the side of the Central powers in the war of 1914-1919. Britain withdrew her opposition to the Baghdad Railway in return for promises that: 1) it would not be extended to the Persian Gulf; 2) British capitalists would be given a monopoly on the navigation of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and exclusive control over their irrigation projects; 3) 2 British subjects would be given seats on the Board of directors; 4) Britain would have exclusive control over commercial activities in Kuwait, the only good port on the upper Persian Gulf; 5) a monopoly over the oil resources given to a new corporation: Royal Dutch Shell Company in which British held half interest, the Germans and French a quarter interest each;
THE BRITISH IMPERIAL CRISIS TO 1926 Page 127 In England, the landed class obtained control of the bar and the bench and were, thus, in a position to judge all disputes about real property in their favor. Control of the courts and of the Parliament made it possible for this ruling group to override the rights of peasants in land, to eject them from the land, to enclose the open fields of the medieval system, to deprive the cultivators of their manorial rights and thus reduce them to the condition of landless rural laborers or tenants.
Page 130 Until 1870, there was no professorships of Fine Arts at Oxford, but in that year, thanks to a bequest,John Ruskin was named to such a chair. He hit Oxford like an earthquake, not so much because he talked about fine arts but because he talked about the empire and England's downtrodden masses as moral issues. Until the end of the nineteenth century, the poverty-stricken masses in the cities lived in want, ignorance and crime much like described by Charles Dickens. Ruskin spoke to the Oxford undergraduates as members of the privileged ruling class. He told them that they were the possessors of a magnificent tradition of education, beauty, rule of law, freedom, decency, and self-discipline but that this tradition could not be saved and did not deserve to be saved, unless it could be extended to the lower classes and to the non-English masses throughout the world. If not extended to these classes, the minority upper-class would be submerged and the tradition lost. Ruskin's message had a sensational impact. His inaugural lecture was copied out in longhand by one undergraduate, Cecil Rhodes. Rhodes feverishly exploited the diamond and gold fields of South Africa, rose to be prime minister of Cape Colony, contributed money to political parties, controlled parliamentary seats both in England and South Africa. With financial support from Lord Rothschild, he was able to monopolize the diamond mines as De Beers Mines and Gold Fields. In the mid 1890s, Rhodes had a personal income of a least a million pounds (then five million dollars) a year which was spent so freely for his mysterious purposes that he was usually overdrawn on his account. These purposes centered on his desire to federate the English-speaking peoples and to bring all the habitable portions of the world under their control.
Page 131 Among Ruskin's most devoted disciples at Oxford were a group of intimate friends who devoted the rest of their lives to carrying out his ideas. They were remarkably successful in these aims. In 1891, Rhodes organized a secret society with members in a "Circle of Initiates" and an outer circle known as the "Association of Helpers" later organized as the Round Table organization.
Page 132 In 1909-1913, they organized semi-secret groups know as Round Table Groups in the chief British dependencies and the United States. In 1919, they founded the Royal Institute of International Affairs. Similar Institutes of International Affairs were established in the chief British dominions and the United States where it is known as the Council on Foreign Relations. After 1925, the Institute of Pacific Relations was set up in twelve Pacific area countries.
Page 133 They were constantly harping on the lessons to be learned from the failure of the American Revolution and the success of the Canadian federation of 1867 and hoped to federate the various parts of the empire and then confederate the whole with the United Kingdom
EGYPT AND THE SUDAN TO 1922 Disraeli's purchase, with Rothschild money, of 176,602 shares of Suez Canal stock for #3,680,000 from the Khedive of Egypt in 1875 was motivated by concern for communications with India just as the acquisition of the Cape of Good Hope in 1814 had resulted from the same concern.
Page 135 As a result of complex and secret negotiations in which Lord Rosebery was the chief figure, Britain kept Uganda, Rhodes was made a privy councilor, Rosebery replaced his father-in-law, Lord Rothschild, in Rhodes secret group and was made a trustee under Rhodes' next and last will.
Page 137 By 1895, the Transvaal Republic presented an acute problem. All political control was in the hands of a rural, backward, Bible- reading, racist minority of Boers while all economic wealth was in the hands of a violent, aggressive majority of foreigners, (Utlanders) most of whom lived in Johannesburg. The Utlanders, who were twice as numerous and owned two thirds of the land and nine-tenths of the wealth of the country, were prevented from participating in political life or from becoming citizens (except after 14 years residence) and were irritated by President Paul Kruger's intriguing to obtain some kind of German intervention and protection. At this point, Rhodes made his plans to overthrow Kruger's government by an uprising in Johannesburg, financed by himself and led by his brother Frank, followed by an invasion led by Frank Jameson from Rhodesia. Flora Shaw used The Times to prepare public opinion in England while others negotiated for the official support necessary. When the revolt fizzled, Jameson raided anyway and was easily captured by the Boers. The public officials involved denounced the plot, loudly proclaimed their surprise at the event, and were able to whitewash most of the participants in the subsequent parliamentary inquiry. A telegram from the German Kaiser to Kruger congratulating him on his success "in preserving the independence of his country," was built up by The Times into an example of brazen German interference in British affairs, and almost eclipsed Jameson's aggression. Rhodes was stopped only temporarily. For almost two years, he and his friends stayed quiet waiting for the storm to blow over. Then they began to act again. Propaganda, most of it true about the plight of the Utlanders flooded England from Flora Shaw. Milner was made British High Commissioner to South Africa; his friend Brett worked his way into the confidence of the monarchy to become its chief political advisor. Milner made provocative British troop movements on the Boer frontiers in spite of the vigorous protests of his commanding general in South Africa, who had to be removed; and finally, war was precipitated when Smuts drew up an ultimatum insisting that the British troop movements cease and when this was rejected by Milner.
Page 138 The Boer War (1899-1902) was one of the most important events in British imperial history. The ability of 40,000 Boer farmers to hold off ten times as many British for three years, inflicting a series of defeats on them over that period, destroyed faith in British power. Although the Boer republics were defeated and annexed in 1902, Britain's confidence was so shaken that it made a treaty with Japan providing that if either became engaged in war with two enemies in the Far East, the other would come to the rescue. This treaty allowed Japan to attack Russia in 1904.
Page 138 Milner's group, known as "Milner's Kindergarten" reorganized the government. By 1914, the Smuts government passed a law excluding natives from most semi-skilled or skilled work or any high-paying positions.
Page 139 By the Land Act of 1913, 7% was reserved for purchases by natives and the other 93% by whites. The wages of natives were about one tenth of those of whites.
Page 141 These natives lived on inadequate and eroded reserves or in horrible urban slums and were drastically restricted in movements, residence, or economic opportunities and had almost no political or even civil rights. By 1950 in Johannesburg, 90,000 Africans were crowded into 600 acres of shacks with no sanitation with almost no running water and denied all opportunity except for animal survival and reproduction.
Page 142 In 1908, the Milner Round Table group worked a scheme to reserve the tropical portions of Africa north of the Zambezi river for natives under such attractive conditions that the blacks south of that river would be enticed to migrate northward. Its policy would be to found a Negro dominion in which Blacks could own land, enter professions, and stand on a footing of equality with Whites. Although this project has not been achieved, it provides the key to Britain's native policies from 1917 onward.
Page 143 In 1903, when Milner took over the Boer states, he tried to follow the policy that native could vote. This was blocked by the Kindergarten because they considered reconciliation with the Boers to be more urgent. In South Africa, the three native protectorates of Swaziland, Bechuanaland, and Basutoland were retained by the imperial authorities as areas where native rights were paramount and where tribal forms of living could be maintained at least partially.
MAKING THE COMMONWEALTH 1910-1926 Page 144 Back in London, they founded the Round Table and met in conclaves presided over by Milner to decide the fate of the empire. Curtis and others were sent around the world to organize Round Table groups in the chief British dependencies to give them, including India and Ireland, their complete independence.
Page 146 The creation of the Round Table groups was so secretive that, even today, many close students of the subject are not aware of its significance.
Page 147 Curtis said, "The task of preparing for freedom the races which cannot as yet govern themselves is the supreme duty of those who can. Personally, I regard this challenge to the long unquestioned claim of the white man to dominate the world as inevitable and wholesome, especially to ourselves. Our whole race has outgrown the merely national state and will pass either to a Commonwealth of Nations or else to an empire of slaves. And the issue of these agonies rests with us."
EAST AFRICA 1910-1931 Page 149 Publicity for their views on civilizing the natives and training them for eventual self-government received wide dissemination.
Page 150 By 1950 Kenya had discontented and detribalized blacks working for low wages on lands owned by whites. It had about two million blacks and only 3,400 whites in 1910. Forty years later, it had about 4 million blacks and only 30,000 whites. The healthful highlands were reserved for white ownership as early as 1908. The native reserves had five times as much land although they had 150 times as many people. The whites tried to increase the pressure on natives to work on white farms rather than to seek to make a living on their own lands within the reserves, by forcing them to pay taxes in cash, by curtailing the size or quality of the reserves, by restricting improvements in native agricultural techniques and by personal and political pressure and compulsion. The real crux of the controversy before the Mau Mau uprising of 1948-1955 was the problem of self-government; Pointing to South Africa, the settlers in Kenya demanded self-rule which would allow them to enforce restrictions on non-whites.
Page 151 From this controversy came a compromise which gave Kenya a Legislative Council containing representatives of the imperial government, the white settlers, the Indians, the Arabs, and a white missionary to represent the blacks. Most were nominated rather than elected but by 1949, only the official and Negro members were nominated.
Page 152 As a result of the 1923 continued encroachment of white settlers on native preserves, the 1930 Native Land Trust Ordinance guaranteed native reserves but these reserves remained inadequate.
Page 153 Efforts to extend the use of native courts, councils and to train natives for an administrative service were met with growing suspicion based on the conviction that the whites were hypocrites who taught a religion that they did not obey, were traitors to Christ's teachings, and were using these to control the natives and to betray their interests under cover of religious ideas which the whites themselves did not observe in practice.
INDIA TO 1926 Although the East India Company was a commercial firm, it had to intervene again and again to restore order, replacing one nominal ruler by another and even taking over the government of those areas where it was more immediately concerned and to divert to their own pockets some of the fabulous wealth they saw flowing by. Areas under rule expanded steadily until by 1858 they covered three-fifths of the country.
Page 154 In 1857-1858, a sudden, violent insurrection of native forces, known as the Great Mutiny, resulted in the end of the Mogul empire and of the East India Company, the British government taking over their political activities.
Page 157 Numerous legislative enactments sought to improve the conditions but were counterbalanced... by the growing burden of peasant debt at onerous terms and at high interest rates. Although slavery was abolished in 1843, many of the poor were reduced to peonage by contracting debts at unfair terms and binding themselves and their heirs to work for their creditors until the debt was paid. Such a debt could never be paid, in many cases, because the rate at which it was reduced was left to the creditor and could rarely be questioned by the illiterate debtor.
Page 158 In spite of India's poverty, there was a considerable volume of savings arising chiefly from the inequitable distribution of income to the landlord class and to the moneylenders (if these two groups can be separated in this way).
Page 161 Hinduism was influenced by Christianity and Islam so that the revived Hinduism was really a synthesis of these three religions. Played down was the old and basic Hindu idea of Karma where each would reappeared again and again in a different physical form and in a different social status, each difference being a reward or punishment for the soul's conduct in at it's previous appearance. There was no real hope of escape from this cycle, except by a gradual improvement through a long series of successive appearances to the ultimate goal of complete obliteration of personality (Nirvana) by ultimate mergence in the soul of the universe (Brahma). This release (moksha) from the endless cycle of existence could be achieved only by the suppression of all desire, of all individuality and of all will to live.
IRELAND TO 1939 Page 173 The Cromwellian conquest of Ireland in the seventeenth century had transferred much Irish land, as plunder of war, to absentee English landlords. In consequence, high rents, insecure tenure, lack of improvements and legalized economic exploitation, supported by English judges and English soldiers, gave rise to violent agrarian unrest and rural atrocities against English lives and properties.
THE FAR EAST TO WORLD WAR I
THE COLLAPSE OF CINA TO 1920 Page 176 The destruction of traditional Chinese culture under the impact of Western Civilization was considerably later than the similar destruction of Indian culture by Europeans The upper-most group derived its income as tribute and taxes from its possession of military and political power the middle group derived its incomes from sources such as interest on loans, rents from lands and the profits from commercial enterprises. Although the peasants were clearly an exploited group, this exploitation was impersonal and traditional and thus more easily borne.
Page 179 Only in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century did peasants in China come to regard their positions as so hopeless that violence became preferable to diligence or conformity. This change arose from the fact that the impact of Western culture on China did, in fact, make a peasant's position economically hopeless.
Page 180 Chinese society was too weak to defend itself against the West. When it tried to do so, as in the Opium Wars of 1840-1861 or in the Boxer uprising of 1900, such Chinese resistance to European penetration was crushed by armaments of the Western Powers and all kinds of concessions to these Powers were imposed on China. Until 1841, Canton was the only port allowed for foreign imports and opium was illegal. As a consequence of Chinese destruction of illegal Indian opium and the commercial exactions of Cantonese authorities, Britain imposed on China the treaties of Nanking (1842) and of Tientsin (1858). These forced China to cede Hong Kong to Britain and to open sixteen ports to foreign trade, to impose a uniform import tariff of no more than 5%, to pay an indemnity of about $100 million, to permit foreign legations in Peking, to allow a British official to act as head of the Chinese customs service, and to legalize the import of opium. China lost Burma to Britain, Indochina to France. Also Formosa and the Pescadores to Japan, Macao to Portugal, Kiaochow to Germany, Liaotung (including Port Arthur) to Russia, France took Kwangchowan and Britain took Kowloon and Weihaiwei. Various Powers imposed on China a system of extraterritorial courts under which foreigners in judicial cases could not be tried in Chinese courts or under Chinese law.
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