by David Astle
IX. Potsherds and other Fragments
X. Pergamum and Pitane
XI: Voiceó froí thå dust
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     The glimpse at these cataclysmic events of relatively modern 
times, as in the previous chapters, will assist towards understanding 
the implications of similar events in ancient times of which but the 
most fragmentary information exists. As was written three thousand 
years ago: 
     "Is there anything whereof it may be said "See this is new? it 
hath been already of old time which was before us." Eccl 1:10
     So returning to that smaller world of ancient days, the theme of 
this book, it may safely be said that similar conspiracy and secret 
maneuver led up to all that fast changing sequence of social events 
that clearly followed a definite design, in Attica; particularly from 
the collapse of hereditary kingship in 683 B.C.; which date marks, it 
most reasonably be assumed, the commencement of rule by Money Creative 
Power either international or home-grown. A king created annually by 
vote has even less chance of ruling effectively than the so-called 
presidents of today, elective kings as they really are, though sorry 
enough spectacles some of them may be, and who have as much as five 
years to serve the purposes of whoever they front for.
     Some writers dismiss the idea of a capitalism in antiquity, but 
accepting definition of capitalism as the condition of the 
unrestricted promotion of human activity through the instrument of the 
driving force of that power of creation of the unit of exchange or of 
promises of the unit of exchange as denoted by Ledger Credit Page 
Entry, and loan against collateral, and at interest, and which 
function as the something in exchanges between persons dealing with 
the same banker or interlocked system of banks, very little analysis 
of the circumstances that gave rise to the tyrants will show that a 
form of "capitalism" did exist, even if more local in character, and 
restricted to the individual city, or state, as a rule. The tyrant was 
front man towards the total monetization of the state, the land and 
its labor and towards the transfer of labor to a condition of 
dependence on a wage of money. 
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     Today we but repeat the mistakes of the past; however today it is 
not merely disaster to a small city but the money swindle as conducted 
in ancient times by trapezitae at their bench in the marketplace, made 
possible by mass paper manufacture and the printing press, it almost 
certainly will prove to be total disaster to all mankind. 
     Those lines of Solon say enough:
     "But of themselves in their folly the men of the city are willing
Our great city to wreck, being won over by wealth,
False are the hears of the people's leaders.
     A further couple indicates the meaning of "our great city to 
     "Great men ruin a city: for lack of understanding
Under a despot's yoke lieth the people enslaved.
     These lines written after the seizure of Peisistratus of the 
Tyranny at Athens would indicate that he had the assistance in his 
rise to power of those former great land-owning families of Attica who 
had been drawn into the schemes of the foreign money masters to their 
undoing. Lacking understanding of the true nature of money, by 
Šconniving with the bankers to drive their own people off the land into 
the cities, they forgot that as rulers, the whole land was theirs in 
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     These plausible aliens who set up the money economy via their so-
called "Banks," owned nothing but unmitigated gall, a vast contempt 
for mankind and such as they could double-talk the naive peasant 
rulers into giving them. 
     The folly of these rulers in equating possession with the master 
moneyers' trifling pieces of gold and silver dated back to those grim 
Kings of the Homeric Sagas or before, who, being lain in their graves 
at Mycenae with all their riches, thus set off on their eternal 
journey with that small store of gold that the crafty Babylonian 
money-men trained them to regard as wealth, as opposed to the real 
wealth of an organized state whose money was the benevolent law of the 
ruler in relation to surpluses, and directed towards the good and 
continuing life of the people and no more.
     "Those who had power and made men marvel at their riches." (Ure: 
Origins of Tyranny, P. 8, 1922)  
     This line indicates that Solon knew that money was an evil 
without understanding what it was about money that made it so. Not the 
having of the precious metal pieces of the banker recording the number 
of units represented, for such metal money lying inert beneath the 
floor has no meaning so far as the quickening or slowing of the pulse 
of life is concerned. It has no more meaning than have abstract units 
of exchange media that have not yet been recorded in the ledger on 
account of no suitable (to the banker) demand for them, and of course, 
they are without limit. 
     The evil is in the forgetfulness of the ruler that money is no 
more than a recording of his law of exchange, its magnitude being 
governed by the number of units indicated. It can never be treasure. 
The evil about money derives from lack of understanding of its true 
nature and from confusing of money and treasure. It is the persistent 
failure of mankind to realize that money is but the result of 
agreement being arrived at amongst a sovereign people through their 
ruler, to provide them with a system of numbers by which their 
exchanges might be facilitated, and so help them to live a better 
life. Treasure being but a commodity by which the unit of value can 
best be stored. 
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     The evil lies in the forgetfulness of the ruler to respect his 
duty to provide an adequate money supply for his people regulated by 
himself and free of obligation to external forces, in such manner as 
had existed in the Ancient Oriental civilizations in earlier times. It 
lay in the permitting to private and hence irresponsible persons the 
power to intervene in that which was the most sacred responsibility of 
the ruler through the priesthood, the creation and regulation of the 
medium of exchange, his people's money. 
     Therefore, the hidden force behind the setting up of a tyranny 
was the far reaching power of a conspiratorial secret society, 
international in scope, controlling money emission in all countries 
which it penetrated through its continuing control of the sources of 
supply of that silver treasure by weight such as constituted the base 
of the exchange systems long ago established by itself. 
     The tyrant was clearly the front man for the local banker more 
than actually being the banker himself. He it was who gave legality to 
the banker and his activities of that coterie of merchants, traders, 
and captains who flourished on the banker's financial organization 
and, though this they did not understand, his connection with those 
international bullion brokers of the day. 
Š     These worthy businessmen depended for tiding themselves over 
difficult periods on that which the banker loaned them as money; maybe 
an entry in a ledger transferable to the account of a fellow merchant, 
visiting captain, or trader in slaves or other merchandise; they also 
depended on the banker to be safe custodian for such treasure as came 
their way. 
     The tyrant was therefore, either naive or corrupt, the instrument 
set up by the banker, firstly towards the legalization of his status, 
and secondly towards the removal of that class who might yet challenge 
his peculiar and secret power, the natural aristocracy of Hellas. 
     This natural aristocracy, in a growing system that clearly sought 
the subversion of its free dependents with the purpose of leading them 
into paid day labor or into slavery final and absolute, was 
uncertainly situated in states which now owed their existence to the 
bankers and their coterie of entrepreneurs and merchants, as clearly 
did so many of the Greek states of the Greek industrial revolution. 
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     The banker, lurking in the shade apart from men, knew that these 
proud noblemen, formerly lords of this lovely land, had forgotten the 
meaning of their own existence and he despised them for permitting him 
to undermine the true order of life and cause these simple folk, their 
peasantry, to be driven off the land one way or another to the wage 
     In the same way, the Lords of the Manors of England and Scotland 
had driven the peasantry off the common lands some 2400 years later, 
land now representing that magic of money of which previously they had 
seen little. 
     In the lines of Theognis whose political aim was to prevent a 
recurrence of the Tyranny in Megara which was a centre for the 
manufacture of textiles: 
     "Tradesmen reign supreme: the bad lord it over their betters.
This is the lesson that all must thoroughly master:
How that in the world wealth has the might and the power.
Many a bad man is rich and many a good man is needy.
Not without cause, Oh Wealth,do men honor thee above all things.
Must men reckon the only virtue the making of money? 
Everyone honors those that are rich and despises the needy.
(The Origins of Tyranny, P.8, P.N. Ure, New York 1922)
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     The banker, trained from the money shops of Babylonia, knew that 
for him the only desirable political situation was where the lowly and 
vulgar held the appearance of power and wealth and "money," for such 
would not question too intently the source from whence they derived 
that "money," nor the nature of that "money" such as had paved their 
way to so-called power, for fear its so necessary supply might be cut 
     (Hence the situation at Athens so similar to the situation in the 
Anglo-Saxon world today. Athens at that stage of the Peloponnesian War 
was completely under the control of the banks. It was not long after 
the battle in which Lysander of Sparta destroyed the whole Athenian 
fleet that the war ended with the usual results of Athens completely 
dependent on privately created money for its finances, that is, on the 
International Bankers and with such types of persons suitable to them 
occupying key positions. The victor, Sparta, was equally dependent on 
their good will in order to obtain money with which could be purchased 
the ships necessary to defeat Athens and without which the war could 
not have been brought to a definite conclusion.) 
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     Where, as in a city such as Megara, one banking house might 
Šcontrol all credit or money creation, to question and seek to know how 
this was done would also mean search for knowledge of the banker's 
secrets and this, your tyrant instinctively knew, was dangerous for 
his continued success. 
     What are the gains that lead up to a tyranny? Is it not more 
probable that they are some form of payment received by the commons 
(those that are bad) from the would-be tyrant? 
     Not at all.. Merely the word was passed by that banking 
institution to which the majority of tradesmen or manufacturers in 
that particular city were indebted, that the banker, giver of all (and 
taker of all) favored this move. It may be safely considered that the 
first legislation passed by our new tyrant would legalize the position 
of his backers, which previously, as likely not, had been illegal. 
     The tyrant at this stage of history was a necessity to Money 
Power and while possibly having the appearance of being wealthy, he 
depended for his real finances on that backer whose interests he 
promoted. Those two officers of Alexander for example, who accepted 
the tyranny of Asiatic cities could in no way have understood the 
reality of finance, international or otherwise, except perhaps if they 
had been clerks in a paymaster corps, of officer status. If they had 
so understood such finance, it is doubtful that they would have been 
promoted as they were..
     The tyrant was the one who the banker could rely on to put 
through his "Leveling" program, or in double talk of today, could be 
relied on to "press ahead with Democratization" and to work against 
the class from which he was supposed to have come. He was one who 
could be relied on to put through programs of public works, maintain 
military expenditures, etc.; for all such activities strengthened the 
banker's position as creator and regulator of the exchange unit and 
therefore designer of the life of the city. The banker could not 
maintain his hold over the city except his product, ledger credit page 
entry money, however created, was in constant demand,and the local 
government deeply embroiled in his schemes. 
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     The tyrant had to be one completely in accord with that so-called 
"democratic" political attitude, which the banker always seemed to 
espouse.. His ostensible purpose had to be to "Level;" such leveling 
meaning of course tearing down everything above himself (and above the 
banker too...) 
     Those fragments of verse reputed to be by Solon leave little 
doubt of the sincerity of Solon. The fact remains that as a merchant, 
he must have been marked with some of the outlook of that famous 
class. His famous laws, amongst which was that law releasing the 
peasantry from the debt slavery into which their natural rulers had 
permitted them to be drawn, and was eating into the very vitals of 
Attica, in view of the fact that he offered citizenship to any family 
moving to Athens with the intention of taking up some manual trade, 
might very well have been promoted by his backers. The city was 
clearly very short of suitable free labor. It very well might be that 
his backers were those money lenders and bankers that controlled the 
growing manufacturies of Athens, and who saw that there was more 
profit and work for that which they loaned as money, in bringing the 
peasantry to Athens as free men (if a wage slave is really any more 
free than a slave owned outright!) and in having thus a plentiful 
supply of labor, than in tying such peasantry to the soil by debt 
slavery, and in the case of distraint, their sale on a surfeited 
market abroad..... 
     (The following letter circularized amongst American Bankers by 
European Banking interests during the American civil war gives a most 
revealing light on this subject. There is no reason to suppose that 
the motives of the trapezitae were in any way more altruistic: 
Š"Slavery is likely to be abolished by the war power and chattel 
slavery destroyed. This, I and my European friends are in favor of, 
for slavery is but the owning of labor and carries with it the care of 
the laborers, while the European plan, led by England, is that capital 
shall control labor by controlling wages.." This letter known as the 
Hazard Circular is to be found on pages 44-45 of The Money 
Manipulators by June Grem.) 
     While there was a healthy population of small holders as well as 
the great landlords,, there was always possibility of recovery by the 
enslaved state, and themselves, the enslavers, as happened at Sparta 
in the time of Lycurgus, driven out of the land for hundreds of years. 
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     All those liberalizing laws promulgated by Solon steadily 
deprived the ancient families of Attica of their former power and 
prerogative. The shadow of power would have been put into the hands of 
ignoble persons and other "Democratic" officials who would have been 
no more than blind creatures lifted up from the mob to the service of 
money power. By the devices existing as part of what is known as 
"democracy" such as Ostraikism through rumor put into circulation by 
the secret societies of the city, controlled, as in today, by the 
bankers without a doubt, "Leaders" no longer "suitable" could be 
     "The tyrants are found making it part of their policy to keep 
their subjects employed on big industrial concerns. In more than one 
case, we see their power collapsing just when this policy becomes 
financially impossible." (Origins of Tyranny) 
     In other words, if that tyrant proved unsatisfactory to his 
masters, money, that source of strength in political life, was cut off 
just at the time when it would be most needed, such as when he had 
become involved in heavy spending. Herein is further proof of the 
tyrant being not money power itself, but front man for money power.
     It is pointed out by Prof. Ure that it can scarcely be an 
accident that the Tyranny of Athens ended almost immediately after the 
removal of one of its two roots: the mines of the country of the 
Thracians. Which is to say that if the source of bullion on which the 
money power of a so-called banker was founded petered out or was lost 
to enemy action, the tyrant he had promoted could be discarded as 
having no further purpose. 
     Such activities being ordered by a class of persons who had 
achieved despotic power in the same period of history which saw 
extensive development of mining in all of Europe can only have been 
the result of a policy deep lain and far reaching in consequence. This 
policy can only have been created in some central point from which 
flowed the springs of world power such as would have designed, 
wittingly or unwittingly, so much of the ancient world. 
     From this area, merchant houses would have continued to have 
spread their operations around the world in the same way as, it is 
recorded, had been done from Ur as much as fifteen hundred years 
before; or for that matter, during the period of seeming glory and 
empire that so often follows the accession to power of private money 
creative force in any organized and potentially vigorous state. A most 
outstanding instance of the latter in modern times exists in the 
period of empire that came to Britain following the establishment of 
the Bank of England in 1694 AD. 
     The silver which the international bankers drew from Greece at a 
ratio of 10:1 or more, would have been used in settlement of trade 
balances with India, Bactria or China at a ratio of 6:1 or less, as to  
gold. According to Alexander Del Mar, this movement of silver to the 
Orient from Athens was arranged by the Athenian Government but except 
this early Athenian Government was fronting for the bankers, this 
could not have been so. International trade balances have always been 
Šsettled from the world's banking capital or headquarters of the 
international bankers or bullion brokers, such as was London during 
the last three centuries until very recently. In the days of which we 
write, this world banking capital was still located in Babylon city, 
it may reasonably assumed. 
Page 137
     As far back as 2470 B.C., King Manishtusu of Akkhad invaded 
Southern Persia with no purpose other than gaining control of its 
silver mines. Those groups controlling International finance from 
Babylonia decided no doubt to seek further worlds to conquer.
     The thing was to find a use for their surfeit of bullion which 
they were now in a position to arrange extensive supplies to any 
banker who would be able to use such advantageously towards the 
promotion of their general worldwide plans. The growing commercial and 
industrial vigor of the Greeks showed them an answer to this problem. 
Thus the significance of the advent of the tyrants as promoters of 
heavy public spending of moneys based originally on the silver 
standards of Babylonia cannot be dismissed. 
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     The policy of the bankers, for whom the tyrants fronted, would be 
to spread the main practice, at least their most profitable one, of 
private money creation, one way or the other. Using silver as 
base, they knew full well the tremendous possibilities that existed 
towards the creation of an abstract money whose equally efficient 
units cost them no more than entry by the slave scribe on the clay 
tablet that sufficed in his ledger. Such policy spread the need for 
that which the international bankers of that day, faceless as in this 
day, loaned against collateral as money. This money was based on the 
silver bullion they let it be known they were possessed of or held on 
deposit for their customers, by they individual, corporate body or 
     It is reasonable to assume that there was little difference as 
between that first tangible money of private issuance in England as 
denoted by the goldsmiths receipts of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries and the money issued by the banks of the Greek cities. It's 
efficacy derived from the total secrecy maintained by those involved 
in its issue. Little clear information exists on this subject today as 
in ancient times and much of which, even if all the millions of 
tablets unearthed in Mesopotamia are ever translated, must remain as 
but faint outline...
     Servius Tullius ordered the establishment of the census at Rome 
that gave the basis for both taxation and military service, both 
essential organizations as to a state being taken over by 
international money power. 
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     The establishment of a silver standard as a base for monetary 
issuance might very well have been their reward for their assistance 
towards raising Servius to the throne. The census would give money 
power a complete picture of the people it was their intention to 
Page 140 
     In the same manner, the Doomsday books of the Middle Age, while 
recording for the reference of the king, also made a valuable record 
for the money creative power which had kings, nobles, ecclesiastics, 
and the common people, groaning under a burden of debt quite 
impossible to meet (one of the main causes that gave rise to the Magna 
Carta and those events which followed until 1290 A.D. when the tax-
collecting and money-lending classes, such as had followed the 
ŠConqueror across the English Channel, were finally evicted.) 
     In a similar manner, William III of England, owing his throne to 
the intrigues of the international bullion brokers at Amsterdam, 
granted them as reward that which they wanted more than anything else 
on earth, which was the establishment of the legality of an 
indeterminable amount of abstract money, ledger credit page entry, or 
paper notes, to be based on their gold loans to the state, and the 
creation of a "Bank" at London from which they might issue this money 
known as "Credit" as loan against real collateral throughout the whole 
kingdom. This bank was to be given the appearance of a state 
department by permitting it to be named "The Bank of England." 
     Considering the above known instance of reward to international 
money powers for their services, far reaching in its consequences, 
conjecture in respect to the establishment of a silver standard at 
Rome by Servius may not be too far afield. That Romans later rejected 
this standard as a base for their money, and the calamity and loss of 
sovereignty it brought them also is clear, for there is no further 
reference to silver money until that period when Rome was drifting 
towards the all out struggle with Carthage: the year of the 
establishment of the board of Moneyers for the striking of bronze, 
silver and gold money (289 B.C.), thereby no doubt yielding to the 
importunities of the International Bullion brokers, with the ensuing 
outbreak of war thus being made a certainty. 
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     One of the main purposes of those extensive public works would be 
establishment of some kind of National Debt in which is, and was in 
that day too, most control and profit to those manipulating 
international finance. That there is no evidence of the existence of 
such state indebtedness in those days does not necessarily mean that 
such did not exist. Excavation 2500 years from now would not reveal 
this indebtedness for instance in the case of England, so far as its 
relation to the Bank of England was concerned, for, unbelievable 
though it may seem, there is "remarkable absence of official records" 
for the first hundred years of the bank's existence. In the time of 
the tyrants, failure to keep books or records would be even more of a 
     (In the words of H.S. Foxwell who wrote the preface to The 
History of the Bank of England in giving the reasons why no adequate 
history appears to have been written: "There is the remarkable absence 
of official records in connection with the Bank, especially for the 
first century of its activity. It has often been observed that the 
English are peculiarly fortunate in this matter of records: The Bank 
of England stands out as a striking exception to the rule. It never 
seems to have published any reports or even to have preserved its own 
minutes and accounts.)
     Valuable by-products of their extensive public works programs 
would be: 
1. The peasants would leave the land enticed by the money wages 
offered for work on projects. Once the construction boom was over, 
they formed a leaderless, hungry, and easily embittered "Proletariat." 
2. The same "Proletariat" could be manipulated by the agents of Money 
Power as a mob towards such political purposes as Money Power would 
desire including, besides the removal of the natural nobility, removal 
of the so-called tyrant when his purpose was served.
3. Prof. Ure in Origins of Tyranny ventures as close to the truth as 
any. Although attributing the rise of the tyrants to Money Power he 
does not define what this Money Power may be. whether money creative 
power or just those of considerable possession and treasure. In this 
omission he cannot be blamed. Prof. Ure traces the source of the power 
of Peisistratus, Tyrant of Athens 561-527 B.C., according to 
Herodotus,as being partly from those silver mines in Thrace and partly 
Šfrom the Laurion mines in Attica. 
Page 142
     However, it must be pointed out that a man who apparently was a 
mining man would be unlikely to understand the finer shades of 
monetary emission. The class of persons whose business was money were 
scarcely likely to instruct their instrument therein. It may be 
concluded the tyrant rose because he was the one who had found favor 
with the all-pervading money power of the day. He was not money power 
     In that most of the great public works of the Greek cities had 
been carried forward by the tyrants is the evidence; for as the 
secretive money power of today, world-wide in scope, thrives primarily 
upon government loans directed to purposes of war to strengthen their 
outrageous claims against nations, in ancient days similar heavy 
spending had to be devised. A great Acropolis or some other such 
magnificent public work sufficed equally well with war. 
     So, with the tyrant, we see the force by which Greece was molded 
to an instrument more suitable to those bankers: private money 
creative power who burned with rancor at the natural rulers who but 
treated them as stewards, although the essence of power for all 
that, lay in their hands for more than such rulers understood. 
     Thus were the simple and industrious and brave Greeks now raised 
up to be the new vehicle through which the final and destructive 
purposes of those controlling international bullion and slave trades 
would be achieved, as they shepherd the peoples of the world further 
down that road of no hope for themselves or the rest of mankind. 
Page 143
     Aristotle, author of some lucid thinking on the subject of money, 
if not ruthlessly penetrative, was himself married to the niece of a 
banker installed as co-tyrant (or Front Man) with another such Tyrant-
Banker. (Hermias the Tyrant of Assos) was a eunuch slave of a certain 
banker: he went to Athens and attended the lectures of Plato and 
Aristotle and returning, he shared the tyranny of his master who had 
previously secured the places around Atarneus and Assos. Subsequently, 
he succeeded him and sent for Aristotle and married his niece to him. 
     In this slave, banker, philosopher and despot, Leaf sees a tyrant 
who owed his position to his wealth. He lent money to the city on the 
security of the Acropolis and when the city defaulted, wanted to 
become tyrant. 
     While bankers in the present dream of entrapping the whole world 
via their "United Nations," in the past, they contented themselves 
with the entrapping of a city. Just as in the present, they create an 
entirely false picture of the nature of their operations and carefully 
promote the legend they are lending the public's money, so they did in 
antiquity, we may rest assured. No doubt they spread exactly the same 
story in the time of the tyrants and people in that day, understanding 
no more about money than they do today, believed it. 
Page 144
     Phelitairos proceeded to use the treasure to which he had so 
masterfully established almost total right with a skill which could 
only suggest training in the money shops of Babylonia. The conception 
of the 9000 talents of treasure in itself being the sole maintaining 
force behind the extended power of Pergamum would be quaint to say at 
least; as quaint indeed as the story of the 6000 talents of silver 
held in reserve in the Acropolis at Athens as the sole finances with 
which the Peloponnesian war was fought; or in a later day of the gold 
supposedly existing in the vaults of the Bank of England or its 
Špredecessor and its parent bank, the Bank of Amsterdam (the vaults of 
the latter on inspection by Napoleon after occupation of Holland 
proving absolutely bare). 9000 talents drawn on for military and 
civilian expenditures would not go very far. 
Page 145
     Prof. Andreades in his Finances de Guerre d'Alexandre Le Grand 
says the annual expenditures during his campaigning were 5000-7000 
talents in hard cash. In the later years, 15,000 talents. 
     It might safely be said that the money power which enabled 
Pergamum to secure controlling interest over the cities of Pitane and 
Cyzicus was not drawn from what might be left of that store of 9000 
talents. It would have been part of a credit inflation which would 
have used the 9000 talents as its base and more than likely those 
interests holding the debt of the City of Pitane were themselves 
indebted by another ledger entry transaction to Pergamum. Thus that 
Credit Money whereby Pitane was loaned money would be no more than an 
entry in the books of Pergamum as a credit to Pitane, automatically 
being thence debited and transferred to the credit column of the 
holder of the loan as previously existing against Pitane and thus  
returning him to solvency. 
Page 146
     Pergamum, at the cost of  pen, ink, vellum, and slave scribe or 
perhaps cost of clay table and stylus book entry, was now in a 
position to dictate the political affairs of Pitane. 
     The extent of the semi-military operations of the Attalid Money 
Power of Pergamum was shown above all by their purchase of the island 
of Aegina for 30 talents and set up most likely as a centre for entre-
pot trade and a financial outpost, i.e. Branch Bank: which had to be 
in opposition to the decaying Athenian Money Power which at that time 
did not have the silver resources of its earlier days on which to base 
its Money Power and the legend of its great wealth. 
     As Pergamum marks the beginning of that period when Delos and 
Rhodes were leading money and slave markets of the world, it would 
seem that some kind of agreement must have existed between those who 
controlled trade and finance at all these points. Considering the 
essential secrecy that necessarily attends the corrupt operations of 
so-called bankers, it may be quite reasonable to suppose that in 
Pergamum itself, in Aegina, Delos, Rhodes and a dozen trade centres 
for that matter, there was a class of persons who very well understood 
each other's interests, who very likely were related by racial and 
religious custom and whose supra-nationalism transcended all city 
boundaries and borders of states. 
Page 147
     Money was their trade, and they married only amongst their own 
group as the best protection towards maintaining inviolable the secret 
of that financial hegemony they had established internationally and 
which had put them above kingship, no doubt in the fevered imagination 
of some of them, one with the gods. Through the illusion of the 
establishment of silver as the standard of value internationally or 
nationally and whose supply they totally controlled, it is true, they 
actually did wield that power which formerly had been the sole 
prerogative of the gods in the cities. 
     The activities of this group towards the instigation of wars and 
disturbances never ceased. Out of the needs of peoples in despair came 
their advantage and strengthened control. Such wars as were necessary, 
as much as today, towards the maintenance of their great arms industry 
and their continued control through the sale of the best and newest 
weapons to that new conqueror who promised most of all to serve their 
purposes in the renewal of their stocks of treasure, so necessary to 
Šmaintain "confidence" and their stocks of mine slaves. War also 
revived that feverish and competitive demand for that treasure; and in 
the hurly-burly it created, merchants gladly accepted as money 
anything offered from seemingly reputable sources including that 
abstract money denoted by ledger credit page entry; the loan of which 
but cost the lender the entry by slave scribe on the clay tablet, 
though immense real wealth might be offered as "collateral" as against 
failure to repay such alleged loan by the date stipulated. 
Page 148
     The far-flung activities of Apollonius, economic manager to 
Ptolemy Philadelphus, give but a glimpse of this interlocking control 
by an Aramaic-speaking middle class, within which the Hebrew may also 
have been an interwoven thread. 
     For indeed, there is no evidence that he was all, and that such 
magnates that controlled the economy of the ancient world were many of 
them Jews. Nevertheless, the claim by the Universal Jewish 
Encyclopedia that the Hebrews, as a people who absorbed foreign 
cultures yet rigidly maintained their national identity, caused them 
to be most appreciated by the brilliant and ambitious Alexander, 
should not be lightly dismissed. Alexander was trainee of Aristotle 
who, as husband of banker's niece Hermias, certainly should have come 
to learn something of the true meaning of Money Power. Alexander 
presumably had substantial understanding of the meaning of money 
relative to Kingship. 
     The Hebrew, as equally skilled in money and trade as the Aramean 
and equally fluent in Aramaic, since he was established in most of the 
important cities, could very well have been a major part of that 
vehicle constructed by Alexander. His special concessions to Jaddua, 
High Priest of Jerusalem in 333 B.C. in respect to those Jews of both 
Judea and Babylon, certainly suggests deference to a power far beyond 
that power visibly represented by that relatively small group of 
people who dwelt at Jerusalem. According to the Universal Jewish 
Encyclopedia, Jaddua, not wishing to offend Persia, had refused 
Alexander the troops and provisions he sought. 
Page 149
     After the fall of Tyre, Alexander advanced on Jerusalem. The 
Priests went out to greet him and Alexander, as was his usual custom 
with submissive cities, sacrificed to their God. The fact that he gave 
the Jews of Palestine such special concessions as a year's remission 
of taxes would suggest that the visible help refused him by Jaddua had 
been more than made up for by assistance of a less visible nature. 
     (The Jewish Encyclopedia reads: Alexander was quick to grasp the 
indispensable value of the Jews in the sphere of  his world Empire. 
His aim was the synthesis of Occidental and Oriental cultures into the 
mold of Hellenism; undoubtedly he appreciated the capacity of the Jews 
to absorb foreign culture while rigidly maintaining their national 
identity thus making them an ideal vehicle for his civilizing 
enterprise. As Jews were already an International commercial power, 
numbers of them being found in most countries of his domain, he 
granted them many political privileges when he founded Alexandria.)
Page 150
     If Aramaic was the language of officialdom under the rulers of 
the Persian Empire and remained so under Alexander, it may reasonably 
supposed that the official and merchant classes that used Aramaic as 
their everyday language had gone far beyond the borders of the Persian 
     No sooner had short-sighted rulers instituted the use of precious 
metal money than the agents of such power, to whom by now the ruler 
was beholden for supplies of bullion, were setting up "modern" banking 
Šhouses. In short order the various practices of dubious legality that 
are the foundations of such money power would be instituted, firstly 
that of the creation, relatively without limit, of abstract units of 
exchange as through the institution of ledger credit page entry money, 
under whatever cover to create legality, and which the banker claimed 
was backed by his "credit" (as if he could have more "credit" than any 
sovereign people and their ruler) and which was usually backed by 
little or nothing other than the sanction of a foolish prince. 
Secondly, from the point of view of maintenance of confidence, was the 
issue of intrinsically valueless facsimiles of existing precious metal 
coinage, for every one of which a customer who accepted them in his 
exchanges thought that there was a precious metal original lodged in 
the local temple or acropolis. 
     To our Lord Jesus Christ, Aramaic was the everyday language that 
would have enabled Him to travel and converse freely with scholar, 
poet, priest, and merchant, certainly as far East as Peshawar. Aramaic 
is used in the Syrian Christian Church, in the Jewish liturgy, and 
still lives in the villages of the anti-Lebanon, in South East 
Anatolia, and on the Eastern shores of Lake Urmia in Armenia. 
Page 151
     Thus the opinion of Emil Kraeling that the Aramean was the 
vehicle by which the so-called eternal values of Hellas and Israel 
were communicated throughout the Orient, in a way concurs with the 
opinion of the Jewish Encyclopedia referred to above. That those 
values denoted by Hellas withered and almost disappeared while those 
as denoted by Israel through Christianity flourished until relatively 
recently, is merely further proof that money power must destroy the 
body on which it feeds, and is nourished.
     Nevertheless,out of Babylonian money power itself, oblivious it 
seems to its own real self interest, carrying Christianity as far as 
those limits unto which its total hegemony prevailed, Christianity 
itself rose as an island of love and goodness in an ocean of 
hatred, confusion, greed and depravity that had come to exist as the 
ultimate result of at least three thousand years of the depredations 
of such private money creative power. With one convulsive shrug it 
threw off the snake-like coils, re-establishing thereafter the natural 
order of life, of god, priest-king and priesthood and the people, all 
living as was ordained, with faith. piety, and sure belief. 
Thereafter, for a thousand years, International Money Power can only 
be faintly discerned as a smoldering ember; a fire not entirely 
extinguished; evidence thereof being an occasional wisp of smoke as it 
waited for a day when a certain evil wind might blow, and flames come 
forth again to deal man total woe. 
Page 152
     Before ever the lust seized the Greeks for the precious metal 
pieces on which were recorded their laws in respect to the unit of 
exchange; that is, before Greece became completely thrall to the 
international bullion and slave interests, money had existed among 
them in various forms for a long time previously. Little knowledge 
remains of such systems of exchange prior to the assumption of bullion 
and slave interests of total hegemony but exist such systems did, and 
the significance of its monetary units issued against state expenses, 
and as opposed to issue by private persons as against collateral 
security, was understood, as the evidence of the Sparta or Lycurgus 
     Pheidon was not inventor of money but the same as Servius 
Tullius, a reformer. He introduced into the Peloponnese a definite 
system of weights and measures, he adapted the weight of the new money 
Šand he officially abolished the old and cumbersome iron money. 
     Numismatists airily dismiss the suggestions of the symbols of 
money as being indicated in ancient times on leather, wood, or baked 
clay which are found in both Cedrenus, Suidas and Seneca but study of 
so-called primitive currencies of today, such as the shell moneys of 
Oceania, leave little doubt that our forefathers, fully understanding 
of the true philosophy of money, may very well have used such 
intrinsically valueless materials to record the values of their 
tangible money, prior to the commencement of precious metal coinage; 
in the same way as the Melanesians and Micronesians have used shells 
for such purpose from time immemorial. 
Page 153
     However, that such numismatists dismiss the significance of such 
money and question it as having ever existed, is not surprising 
considering that they merely record the money towards the creation of 
which the controllers of bullion supplied the material; thus in a way 
controlling its issue and such order of society as it gave rise to, 
and therefore the numismatists themselves. Consequently the dismissal 
by the numismatists of other materials for money and its symbols, not 
internationally desirable or controllable by their masters might be 
     According to Professor Fritz Heichelheim in his Ancient Economic 
History, Suidas ascribes the monetary use of leather and "ostrakina" 
(pieces of shell and pottery) to the Romans previous to Numa 
Pompilius. Such currency only had value as it carried with it the will 
of the ruler. 
Page 154
     Troy fell to the Greeks under Agamemnon in 1250 B.C. The 
destruction of Bog-Haz Koi, the Hittite capital in 1225 B.C, could 
only have taken place as a result of investment by experienced, 
disciplined and well organized forces with an excellent engineering 
Page 155
     According to Dawson, the production of leather in the Hittite 
world was a state monopoly. Such monopoly of leather production would 
suggest the possibility, if not the likelihood, of leather as the 
material on which the symbols of their money were recorded. 
     For any state to be as strong for a long period of time and, 
moreover, stable, it had to control not merely the issue of the unit 
of exchange but also the material of which its visible symbols were 
made; which had to be a total monopoly. The Hittite state appears 
constructed to the same order as those early cities, that is, of God, 
Priest-King and priesthood, makes this deduction the more likely. 
     The similarity of language suggests the forefathers of the 
patricians of Rome derived from within the Hittite sphere of 
influence. If so, would it not be natural for them to reinstitute the 
same monetary system amongst themselves as they had known in their 
     The numismatists and historians date the "Aes Grave," considered 
by them to be the first true metallic currency of Rome, from 338 B.C. 
accepting the opinion of Prof. Haeberlin. What then did Rome use for 
money prior to that date considering the relatively exact property 
valuations and taxes of Servius? That they used rough lumps of copper 
(Aes Rude) as everyday money, cannot be accepted. There is no vestige 
of doubt that a refined system existed by no means unrelated to the 
exchange systems of Greece and in which a form of "Credit," too often 
a privately created abstract money, was made use of. This system may 
have been no more related to silver bullion than it may have been to 
any other commodity, and international silver bullion interests would  
exercise no definite control therein. 
Page 156
     There would be no reason to discredit Suidas's remarks in respect 
to leather and clay money previous to Numa Pompilius. The clay 
"scarabs" still being unearthed in Etruria may well represent evidence 
of the clay units. Leather money of course would long since have 
perished. Nor is there reason to think that the fiduciary money of 
clay undoubtedly issued by bankers of Athens in the 5th Century H.C. 
was in any way a new idea. 
     According to Livy relative to the financing of the cavalry of 
Rome, "each century had a grant levied on rich widows of 2000 a 
year." Are we to understand that the rich widows came to the treasury 
with bags of pieces of rough copper?
     Where taxes withdraw units of exchange from circulation, there 
must be a force which injects such units of exchange into the 
circulation. What therefore was the source of such units? Clearly 
there is no reason to doubt this record of Livy. 
     In the Panadects of Justinian, Tenth Book, occurs this remarkable 
passage from Julius Paulus, jurisconsul of the third century of our 
     "The origin of buying and selling began with exchange. It common 
happens that one is in need of what another has in excess but it 
seldom coincided in time that what one possessed, the other wanted. A 
device was chosen whose legal and permanent value remedied the 
difficulties of barter by its homogeneity. 
Page 157
     This device being officially promulgated, circulated, and 
maintained its purchasing power, not so much from its substance as 
from its quantity. Whether those devices were clay or leather or wood 
does not really matter. As such, they were true money being 
intrinsically valueless and only of value because of that law which 
ordered their acceptance in the exchanges. What above all would matter 
would be the ease with which they could be counterfeited, no doubt the 
source of their ultimate failure, and whether they were loaned into 
circulation by private persons against so-called collateral, or paid 
into circulation as against government expenses, as were the Aes Grave 
at a later date. 
     Almost all philosopher-scholars of antiquity wrote of numerical 
or fiduciary systems of money as being the only natural systems. None 
of them entered into discussion as to whether issuance should be 
against state indebtedness. It was so obviously a necessity for good 
order and well-being in life, that such discussion never seems to 
have occurred to them. The success of private monetary emission in 
this day and its boldness now that its former criminal activities are 
recognized and accepted as inevitable, such men could not even 
imagine, not even Aristotle, who by reason of his family connections, 
must have known something of the undercurrents of the financial world 
as it existed at that time. 
     Aristotle, Plato, Socrates, Zeno, all seemed to have been clear 
on the subject. Plato was most clear and no doubt studied the 
numerical system at Sparta. Living between 429 B.C. and 347 B.C., he 
must have been at Athens when such system certainly must still have 
existed at Sparta even if, as a result of the war, it had been 
replaced by the Athenian system of private money issue based on the 
fiction of precious metals or valuables in reserve. 
     (The Carthaginians make use of the following kind of money: in a 
small piece of leather a substance is wrapped of the size of a piece 
of 4 drachmae; but what this substance is no one knows except the 
maker. After, this is sealed and issued for circulation; and he who 
possesses the most of this is regarded as having the most money.)
Page 158
     On the subject, Plato wrote:
     "Further the Law of the ideal Republic enjoins that no private 
individual shall possess or hoard gold and silver bullion but have 
money only for domestic use, such as is necessary for dealing with 
artisans and servants, sojourners and slaves. Wherefore our citizens 
should have a money current amongst themselves but not acceptable to 
the rest of mankind. When an individual needs to go abroad, on his 
return, if he has any such money remaining let him deposit it in the 
treasury and receive an equivalent sum in local money. If he is 
discovered to have concealed it, let it be confiscated and let him who 
knows and does not inform, be subject to anathema and dishonor equally 
with him who brought the money and also to a fine not less in amount 
than that of the universal money which had been brought back."
Page 159
     Aristotle made the comment:
     Numisma (Money) by itself is a mere device which has value only 
by law (Nomos) and not by nature; so that a change of convention 
between those who use it, is sufficient to deprive it of all value and 
its power to satisfy our wants."
     In the Ethics, Aristotle states further: 
     "By virtue of voluntary convention, Nomisma has become the media 
of exchange. We call it Nomisma because its efficacy is due not to 
nature but to Nomois (Law) and because it is always in our power to 
control it." 
     Thus despite at least four hundred years of control of trade by 
the masters of precious metal bullion, the scholars still clearly  
understood the actuality of money and that it was an evincement of 
the law. They still understood it was but so many numbers injected 
into a circulation amongst the people relating value to value, and not 
influenced by the material on which these numbers as laws were 
     To say that money as such began with the striking of precious 
metal coinage is therefore incorrect. The statement that an 
international control over money came about as a result of a certain 
group of private persons located in all major states of the world 
creating a monopoly of those precious metals of which its symbols were 
coming to be made, or better put, on which they were imprinted,would 
be more to the point. 
     The evidence that in the earliest coinages in Greece had 
essentially a local circulation in no way alters the picture 
previously outlined of silver money as being part of an international 
conspiracy. All Greek states apart from Athens and Samos, Siphnos and 
Corcyra had to obtain silver bullion for their coinage from abroad, 
which necessarily obliged them to deal with those traders who 
specialized in dealing in bullion. Such trade in bullion had to be in 
the hands of a small and highly secretive group and it would be only 
such a group that could also control those supplies of slave labor and 
their purchase from triumphant peoples whose warlike activities, as 
likely as not, they had instigated themselves; slave labor so 
necessary to the success of their mining operations. 
Page 160
     For example, the fact that the Carthaninian mines of Spain show 
no signs of even the use of the ordinary propping and shoring 
associated with mining cannot but indicate that the miners were most 
likely captives of war from distant parts purchased for a song from a 
victorious general and driven under threat of the lash. 
     At that period it would appear, such labor was so plentiful 
that the cost of purchase of new slaves would have been less than the 
cost of ordinary safety precautions. The silver mines of Spain as 
worked by the Romans show interestingly enough an entirely different 
story. All safety methods including the use of concrete, were used; 
which also agrees with the fact that Rome, even when silver money was 
in use so far as internal exchanges were concerned, had a relatively 
ample supply of money for the details of day to day organization in 
the overvalued bronze fiduciaries, the most grandiose "aes" and its 
parts or multiples. 
     History has proven over and over again that a precious metal 
coinage will move one way or another to where it might realize the 
most profit either as coin or bullion. The so-called law of the 
economists known as Gresham's Law states just that: "Bad money drives 
out the good," which means that the silver in circulation would be 
replaced by that less intrinsically valuable money, if such also 
circulated, and which the economists described as "the bad," (the 
questions of course being bad for whom?); such silver being hoarded 
and exported to whatever market offered the best price or advantage. 
Page 161
     A few outstanding examples of this are:
a. The disappearance of silver from Athens and its replacement by 
baked clay facsimiles during the 5th century B.C. and by yellowish 
copper at the end of the same century. 
b. The drain of silver from Rome during the early Empire to the Orient 
where the ratio varied around 6:1 as compared to 12:1 established by 
Caesar and its replacement by bronze or copper fiduciaries. 
c. The drain of English silver coinage to India after 1666, such 
silver being replaced by the "bad" money of the goldsmith's receipts 
and the Bank of England notes and ledger credit page entries. 
d. The disappearance of silver roubles in Russia during the 18th 
century, their place being taken by the "bad" money of the copper 
roubles and later, paper roubles (Assignats).  
e. The almost complete disappearance from circulation between the 
years 1967-1973 of silver coins of our country of Canada, such silver 
coins being replaced by coins fabricated from base metal alloys.
     Returning to ancient Greece, Prof. Heichelheim states:
     "Such hoards as found previous to 560 B.C. are found in the areas 
in which they were minted and never in other countries. Which fact 
indicates that prior to 560 B.C. it is probable that laws governing 
the export of coin were strictly enforced in Greece. Any silver that 
left a state would do so covertly as bullion. The following Athenian 
edict is evidence that such laws existed:
     "Let no Athenian or sojourner lend money to be exported unless 
(to pay) for corn or some such commodity allowed by law." 
Page 162
     By the time of Plato some two hundred years later, the real 
weaknesses of precious metal systems of coinage were beginning to 
show, hence the increasing discussion of the matter of money in 
schools of philosophy. The establishment of the "Aes Grave" bronze 
system at Rome certainly bears close resemblance to that internal 
coinage as recommended by Plato for the ideal republic. By the date 
generally accepted as the commencement of the Aes Grave system, 338 
B.C., Roman scholars would have been fully aware of the teachings of 
Plato. In the Aes Grave system, the national money was paid into 
circulation by the state.
     The weaknesses inherent in precious metal coinage systems as 
becoming apparent in the time of Plato were:
a. The coins wore out or were hoarded out of circulation.
b. Hard rock mining was never profitable without slave labor.
c. Mine slaves died and sometimes, there being no wars, they could not 
be replaced so easily. 
d. The mines themselves became exhausted.
e. In a time of national calamity, when coinage was most of all 
needed, it disappeared into hoards, largely held by foreigners, 
members of that secret class of persons to whom wars were but 
opportunity to drive harder bargains yet again, with mankind and his 
states and peoples. 
f. Even in time of peace, captains and merchants, if permitted, were 
ever seeking a cargo for their return trip. If such cargo was not 
available, they would take away their balances in precious metals or 
Page 163
     A country like Greece with a large population would usually have 
an unfavorable balance of trade which further drained away its 
precious metal coinage or bullion. At the time of Plato, this 
condition must have been really showing and its significance. 
     The Laureion mines were petering out despite the agitation by 
Xenophon for the government of Athens to purchase ten thousand slaves 
to lease to mine owners, (presumably obtained from his financial 
sponsors) and where silver had become scarce. 
     The numerous clay facsimiles of Eastern Mediterranean coinages
still being found at Athens show that foreign bankers were quietly 
filling the void with issues of a fiduciary character such as our 
paper money, exemplified by the baked clay facsimiles mentioned by 
Lenormant which the bankers clearly were injecting into circulation to 
their own private account and that of their most useful Greek agents. 
This would be effected by pointing out to a customer to whom the 
banker was prepared to make a loan how much safer the actual silver 
would be if left with the bankers in reserve in the Acropolis where 
it would be guarded by the gods themselves and how these clay 
facsimiles which all the customers were accepting could always be 
redeemed in silver if really necessary(!).
     (In London 2000 years later, when the goldsmiths operated exactly 
the same "racket," the confidence of the public was gained through the 
connivance, witting or unwitting, of the Royal House, and the storage 
of the goldsmiths' reserves in the Tower of London. The fact of their 
being in the Tower offered the same sanctity to the goldsmiths' 
practice of issuing receipts as against non-existing reserves, i.e., 
fraudulent receipts. To encourage the circulation of his receipts, he 
could plead the difficulties and the dangers of the formalities 
attached to withdrawal of the metal itself for the purpose of 
settlement of an account. 
Page 164
     Seltsman in "Greek Coins" says that following the complete 
collapse of the Athenian Empire, Athens resumed its previous financial 
activities through the growth of powerful "banks," such as that of 
Pasion which operated in all major Greek cities providing a money 
market for all of the Greek world. However, Seltsman makes no mention 
of abstract expansions of the monetary unit, nor of the clay 
facsimiles which were the tangible evincement of such expansion.
     What Seltsman really points out to us in stressing that Athens 
resumed its previous financial activities with powerful banks such as 
that of Pasion operating in all major Greek cities, is the correctness 
of our previous conjecture that the real underlying purposes of the 
"Great" Peloponnesian war was to establish private common money market 
across the Greek world totally controlled by the trapezitae or 
bankers. Banks, too, couldn't thrive and realize full potential except 
that government was become their instrument and that government, the 
creator of the laws of the land, was in their debt. The foundation of 
this god-power was government borrowing of the banker's fictitious 
"Credit" money. The frantic efforts of the Athenian government to 
stimulate increase of government spending while at the same time 
devising methods to withdraw money by Sales Tax reveal that Athenian 
government was now more firmly than ever in the hands of the 
International Money Power, if Sparta was but now re-arrived there 
after absence of three hundred years or so. 
Page 165
     Both Athens and Sparta were in no better a position than they 
were before the war. Neither had won and neither had lost. Both lay 
exhausted and over their prostrate bodies, the servants of the same 
sardonic Money Power drew the chains of their slavery. 
     According to Rostovtsev, at Athens during the fourth century 
B.C., both population and unemployment increased, prices rose, and 
there was so-called "class struggle" and discontent. 
     Increase in prices is usually indicative of increase by the 
number of monetary units in circulation. So while markets had shrunk, 
money was still being created and put into circulation as against 
"Free Bread and Circuses" consequently causing inflation and the rise 
of prices of record. It is clear that what Athens exported was 
privately created capital. Thus in what we know of as Antiquity, the 
full meaning of the unit of exchange as a purely abstract conception, 
regardless of what material it was recorded on, was clearly 
understood, and without a doubt, this knowledge was inheritance from 
ancient days, long before the advent of exchanges based on silver by 
Page 166
     The tremendous possibilities inherent in the use of precious 
metal money towards the manipulation of prices and the consequent 
monopolization of wealth which always derived therefrom, through the 
process of loan against collateral security inflating the money 
supply and giving rise to the seeming prosperity of great activity, 
followed by the "calling" of such loans under one excuse or another, 
was well understood by the bankers. Also known was how to create 
periods of "lack of confidence" during which prices fell and 
disheartened manufacturers were glad to sell out to anyone to whom the 
banker directed them for whatever they could get. That is, if they 
were lucky. If they were not quite so lucky, then their stock and 
factory would be seized as against the supposed debt and sold at 
auction. No doubt such auctions were rigged in ancient times just as 
much as they often are today. 
Page 167
     After Alexander, there do not seem many states left in which 
precious metal money did not constitute the circulating medium and who 
could not be influenced by that secret and international group of 
people who made Gresham's Law very much of a reality to the undoing of 
rulers and their peoples. 
     In the first place, bankers and their agents worked together to 
cause this money created by slave scribe on clay tablet to be 
seemingly plentiful. As a result, business flourished, wages increased 
and prices rose until foreign merchandise sold competitively on the 
home market. In consequence, some home manufacturers went into 
bankruptcy. The panic thus created amongst manufacturers beholden to 
the banks prepared them for the inevitability of the likelihood of 
demand by their bank for repayment of loans outstanding. By now, the 
bankers were telling everyone that "times were bad. There was a freeze 
in credit" and "No money about." So when such loans were called, the 
manufacturers dutifully hunted up all the silver they could find and 
paid off the banker if they could. When this collapse of industry 
reached a certain point, it became no longer profitable for foreign 
merchandise to sell on their home market, the bankers, satisfied that 
the "Depression" had yielded sufficient rewards, and with a new crop 
of industrialists now directly under their thumbs or under control of 
their trusted agents, industry would be resumed. Loans again were 
forthcoming from the banker's overflowing strong rooms, or simply the 
same place as that from which originated previous loans, his ledger. 
Page 168
     Herein, in this everlasting "Boom and Bust" of the so-called 
"Empires" and "Civilizations" of the last few thousand years is the 
root cause of the desperate situation in which the Indo-European 
peoples now find themselves and in which, seemingly having everything, 
in reality they have nothing except total exhaustion and the specter 
of total anarchy and destruction looming over more clearly before 
them, for they no longer have the WILL TO BE.
     With planned miscegenation through promotion of abortion, the 
Indo-European peoples who writhe in torment as a result of these 
incredible plans of the money masters and their agents soon may be 
entirely obliterated. International Money Power, whatever it really 
is, or whoever they really are, could not care less. 
     But one thing the designers of all this forget, in the magnitude 
of the total disaster that looms so threateningly in these last days 
over the path of life, is also final disaster to the planners of this 
evil; whether they had expected or otherwise; their own complete 
obliteration for sure along with the rest. 
     For if God's Kingdom on earth is to arise, it is to arise in a 
world where little of the sicknesses that trouble us today will be 
left and the binding threads of incompetent thinking and of evil 
itself will be totally unwound. 
     Returning to Athens and its money, the emission by the bankers of 
Athens of the baked clay facsimiles of the silver coinage they were 
reputed to have in storage in the vaults of Acropolis would have 
exactly the same effect on prices as the emission of silver coin; it 
would cause them to rise. Conversely, contraction of that clay coinage 
by calling loans would similarly cause prices to fall; and thus, as in 
today, "when the depression is over," that is when prices are at rock 
bottom without totally wrecking the state, the "Banker" merely enters 
a few figures in his ledger to the credit of one of his agents, so it 
was in Athens in that day. 
     Did the customer require ready money over and above the among 
required for settlement of balances owing, such could be met by debit, 
and transfer, and recredit, i.e. by cheque, then the so-called bankers 
at Athens or the Piraeus,merely set slaves to work to cast and back 
clay coins as fast as they could go. Admittedly, the banking of clay 
coins was a little more expensive than the pen and ink required for 
ledger entry money, or rather the high speed printing press necessary 
for the paper facsimiles of today. 
     Hence the enormous potential for the accumulation of wealth by a 
banker in a city state engaged in manufacture and whose merchants and 
captains depended on him alone for their finances, especially when 
their business was largely with foreign parts. 
     According to Prof. Ure, the tyrants of the city states derived 
their power from the new form of capital known as money. It must be 
asked: Why new form of capital? Metal money as capital, or what? It 
may be assumed that those references to baked clay, leather and wooden 
money in ancient Rome previous to Numa Pompilius, the first by Suidas, 
the second by Seneca, and the third by Cedrenus, also applied to 
ancient Greece; especially if the conjecture in respect to the leather 
monopoly of the Hittite state is correct. Suidas makes reference to 
leather money at Lacedaemon. There is no reason why other Greek city 
states should not have availed themselves of such readily obtainable 
material in those days before the augmentation of bullion supplies 
Page 170
     The early use of precious metal coinage in Greece had to have 
been similar to its use in Babylonia a thousand years before or as 
gold in Britain two thousand years later, a standard on which to base 
prices and establish confidence in the "Great Banker" as being a 
wealthy man; a base on which a pyramid of ledger credit page money 
might be erected, represented in the circulation by leather notes, 
clay tokens, etc. 
     As Stanley Jevons remarked in 1914: "Gold already acts in England 
only as small change for notes." In a similar manner with money based 
on a silver standard, yet relatively little silver in circulation, 
such silver would have acted as small change in those ancient times. 
For evidence of greater wealth, leather notes, or clay tokens, or 
documents denoting cattle, which indeed may have been currency in 
large scale transactions, seem more likely to have served, at least 
among Indo-Europeans. 
     Although some authorities say that the silver coinage was of 
state issuance, whether it was or was not would make little 
difference. In so-called democracies, money power cannot but be the 
force behind the scenes. For that matter, anyone finding the paper 
notes of the British Empire three thousand years from now, because of 
the myth of the Queen's Head and the Coat of Arms, would assume it too 
was state issue. They would of course be entirely wrong. Every since 
the establishment of that ever changing mirage of the precious metal 
money system, states and rules that became corrupted and undermined by 
the extraordinary deceptions to which such system loaned itself, 
wittingly or unwittingly, have fronted for those persons designated 
bankers who under their very noses have operated the most unbelievable 
Page 171
     It is hard to believe that states and rulers have been aware of 
the magnitude of the folly they commit in permitting private persons 
to exercise that power which is theirs as being representative of 
their peoples before God. Assuming ruler and temple lend their 
sanction, it is not long before the so-called banker, now able to 
finance an opposition to any power it is in his interest to destroy, 
or indeed to withdraw financing from such power whose destruction he 
seeks, can literally laugh at those people, foolish, corrupt, or 
naive, who, in lack of understanding of the meaning and source of that 
which was their strength and power, raised him up in the first place. 
     Once the power of monetary emission is yielded by a ruler or 
state to private or external interests, it is rare that it can be 
recovered except as the result of all consuming cataclysm. Immense 
monopolies and vastly unequal money fortunes are neither gained nor 
saved by lawful labor or trade. Of necessity, they are the natural 
outcome of the exercise of the power to discriminate, the power to 
reject or prefer that follows as inevitable consequence, when, in any 
state, private persons are permitted to create and issue the unit of 
exchange, whether tangible or abstract; and by whatever device of law 
such as may be needed to create appearance of legality. 
     So far as the future of mankind, out of the deceit it practices 
on the simple, kind, and trusting, this instrument will be responsible 
for the complete enslavement and ultimate destruction of most, if not 
all, of this world. The hands that guide it are declared by themselves 
to be malevolent and wittingly function and exert themselves in 
defiance of the natural order as being some special breed when they 
are merely but unfaithful servants. Contempt for those who front for 
them in their secret conspiracy or are destroyed by it shows equally 
in the arrogance of their manner..
     In the words of Leon Skousen reviewing the great and compendious 
work of Dr. Carroll Quigley "Tragedy and Hope," according to Dr. 
Skousen the most authentic and detailed account of the modern day 
     "As I see it, the great contributions which Dr. Carroll Quigley 
unintentionally made by writing Tragedy and Hope was to help the 
ordinary American realize the utter contempt which the network leaders 
have for ordinary people. Human beings are treated en masse as 
helpless puppets on an international chessboard where giants of 
economic and political power subject them to wars, revolution, civil 
strife, confiscation, subversion, indoctrination, manipulation and 
outright deception as it suits their fancy and their concocted schemes 
for world domination. 
Page 172
     For the original Rothschild (Amschel) who uttered that now famous 
line: "Let me issue and control a nation's money and I care not who 
writes its laws," one cannot but have some grudging admiration, rogue 
though he was and should have been dealt with as such; but for those 
place-seeking persons, cynical or merely naive, who nowadays prostrate 
themselves before the doors of the international bankers, as members 
of the societies dedicated to One World Government, such as the 
Council on Foreign Relations, The Canadian Institute of International 
Affairs, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, etc., one can 
have little respect. 
     James P. Warburg is one of the most ardent propagandists and 
financiers of the World Government Movement in the US today. This same 
James Warburg had the audacity and arrogance to proclaim before the US 
Senate (2-17-50): "We shall have world government whether or not we 
like it. The only question is whether world government will be 
achieved by Conquest or Consent." 
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     Armed conquest cannot be effected without the connivance of 
conspiratorial money power although such conspiratorial money power in 
its virtually insane search for paths towards its own establishment 
towards World Rule forever and ever, has now become an institution, 
which in the horror of the weapons of total destruction and 
obliteration leading to final subjugation that it has called into 
being, and, in its blindness, has also given to our enemies, can only 
be described as a juggernaut completely out of control, an all-
engulfing Terror, as much for its creators, as he, who, in its 
original conception, such Terror was supposed to engulf. 

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